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U.S. MEDIA ON TRUMAN YEARS.   Term Paper ID:18310 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Analyzes coverage by [Time] & [New York Times] of early days of Cold War, 1945 Yalta Conference, V-E Day in Europe, Potsdam Conference, dropping of atomic bombs on Japan, Churchill's "Iron Curtain" speech, Berlin Blockade.... More...

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Paper Abstract: Analyzes coverage by [Time] & [New York Times] of early days of Cold War, 1945 Yalta Conference, V-E Day in Europe, Potsdam Conference, dropping of atomic bombs on Japan, Churchill's "Iron Curtain" speech, Berlin Blockade. Paper Introduction: Since late in 1989, when the walls of the Moscow Kremlin began to open up to democratic reform, western journalists have heralded the "end of the Cold War." With such terms as perestroika and glasnost almost as much a part of the western vocabulary as they are the Soviet, a renewed interest is blooming into the origins, legacy, and intricacies of an undeclared war of words, deeds, sanctions, and rhetoric that has lasted at least since 1945. In fact, many western journalists, for example those in Time magazine, laud Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev as the man who brought the walls of the Cold War impasse down (Nelan 26-36). With the advent of what many term to be the end of the Cold War, one is naturally concerned with its beginnings. One way to view the mounting tensions of the early period just after World War II is to examine the press coverage in the United States Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. It should also be mentioned that since the large newsorganizations of the country are controlled by wealthy corporations, mostfound communism distasteful and abhorrent. more than it gained ("Ed and His Friends" 1 ). One way to view the mountingtensions of the early period just after World War II is to examine thepress coverage in the United States media during the presidency of Harry S.Truman. All this was forgotten, however, at least for the moment, for on May7, 1945, Germany capitulated to Allied demands and surrenderedunconditionally. In fact, the Timesnoted that the Conference at Potsdam failed miserably to clear the air orreduce in any significant manner the tensions that had been occurringbetween the Soviets and western powers. In addition,, the same issue noted that Truman knew what was tohappen in Fulton, ostensibly also approving of the content of Churchill'sspeech. This tone and timbre may remind one of the rhetoric of Senator JosephMcCarthy in the early 195 s, and the next few decades were filled with anebb and flow of negative and positive relations between the two countries.However, with the advent of Adolf Hitler and the fascist's designs onEurope, Americans tended to view the Soviet Union as a necessary ally, andJosef Stalin as a wartime leader needed by both countries to stop the Nazionslaught (Fontaine chap. Still, a great deal ofcredit was given to Marshall Stalin for his role in smashing Nazi power,and the Times did attempt to portray a rather hopeful outlook for thefuture of U.S./Soviet relations in the aftermath of what it called "themost horrible war imagined" (26, 27, 28, 29, 3 April 1945). A few days later, the Times further concluded that if the SovietUnion persisted in unilateral action, the American electoral would "turneagerly to an Anglo-American alliance" in which the defense of the valuesdear to the free world would be defended at any cost (9 Mar. Roosevelt and the endof the war on the European front. In response to the widening gulf between U.S. Truman, in fact, inherited a series of incidents that wereunknown to Roosevelt, and he did not have the luxury of time to attempt toresolve them. First, there were a wide variety ofpolitical, social, economic, and geographic factors that influenced the wayeach organization reported the news about the national and internationaldealings with communism. Wars had been touched off by pretty eyes (12 B.C.), by a garbled telegram (187 ), and even by Jenkins' ear (1739). A November 1945 articlelisted a full 12 points that Time considered to be important to atomicenergy, among which it commented that "no big secret" protected the U.S.monopoly on atomic energy, and that all major powers have access to thenecessary raw materials for atomic weapons, and out-producing the enemy isnot much of an advantage with atomic armaments ("Twelve Points" 28). Almost daily, there were newincidents to report, many seemed of such a minor nature that they couldonly be called mudslinging, yet all served to paint a picture to theAmerican public that the "evil" Russians were to blame for the currentsituation in Berlin ("Truman Asserts Chances" A1). As early as March 19, 1945, Time had noted that the Yalta conferencehad set a precedent for U.S./Soviet cooperation that might well last intothe next century. Although Truman was not yet in office, the legacy of Yaltawould continue to haunt him throughout his administration. These willinclude the 1945 Yalta Conference, V-E Day in Europe, the PotsdamConference, the dropping of the atomic bomb in August, 1945, WinstonChurchill's famous "Iron Curtain" speech of March 5, 1946, the infamous"Mr. Winston Churchill had been defeated in the polls, and Britain wasrepresented by British Labour leader Clemet Atlee. It therefore seemed, in both the media and political spectrum, thatthe German military threat was the glue that held the Allied alliancetogether. . First of all, Churchill's Fulton speech was an exercise in politicalprophesy and rhetoric. Infact, Times Square, the financial section and the garment district were thronged from mid-morning on with wildly jubilant celebrators who tooted horns, staged impromptu parades and filled the canyons between the skyscrapers with fluttering scraps of paper (Adams A1).However, later in the same edition, others warned about the state of thepolitical balance in Europe now that the Nazi menace had subsided. Since late in 1989, when the walls of the Moscow Kremlin began toopen up to democratic reform, western journalists have heralded the "end ofthe Cold War." With such terms as perestroika and glasnost almost as mucha part of the western vocabulary as they are the Soviet, a renewed interestis blooming into the origins, legacy, and intricacies of an undeclared warof words, deeds, sanctions, and rhetoric that has lasted at least since1945. . Furthermore, Time commented that "the Americans have learned not tobe too hasty" when dealing with the Soviets, and "a terse communique saidthat [Truman and Stalin] were making progress." Yet, the same articlenoted that there were several reasons for friction between the Russian andAmerican armies: Friction between the Anglo-Americans and the Russians in the early days of joint occupation was caused by: 1) suspicion growing out of different languages, customs and behavior, and 2) the Russians' desire to make a good showing of their ten weeks of occupation. . "Clay, Murphy Called Home to Confer on Berlin Crisis." The New York Times (21 July 1948): Al, 4."Moment in History." Time (19 February 1945): 15-16."The Nation--Birth of an Era." Time (13 August 1945): 17-19."The Nation--The Bomb." Time (2 August 1945): 18."The Nations--The Siege." Time (12 July 1948): 17-19."The Nations--Sign up Here." Time (14 June 1948): 21."The Nations--War." Time (26 July 1948): 18-2 .Nelan, Bruce W. Works CitedAdams, Frank S. But what Mr. Truman's Administration did supplied some clues to what he thought. In fact, many western journalists, for example those in Timemagazine, laud Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev as the man who brought thewalls of the Cold War impasse down (Nelan 26-36). For another, the principle of Dumbarton Oaks, i.e. In what may be the only tacit commentary on the speech, Time notedits interest in the Truman administration's reaction to the foreign policycritique by stipulating that, Mr. Truman had nothing to say. ManyAmericans were worried about the so-called "Red" government, and a wave offear was precipitated in the United States just after the 1917 revolution.For example, U.S. Truman and his administration was in theevents that occurred after the death of Franklin D. By August 31,1945, the Times was reporting more on the background of the bomb, and asthe press continued to dig into the development of this new weapon, therewere natural concerns about the use of the device, and the way the Sovietswould perceive its effectiveness. In fact, this view holds that at the very least, the secondaryreason for dropping the bombs was to show Stalin that the United States hadthe might and technological know-how to wage an unimaginable war of thefuture. Instead, Time limited itself to giving thetext of the speech, and following up with articles that listed variousreactions to Churchill from different areas and levels of expertise aroundthe country. Communist party with those of the Soviet Union and viewed left-wing labor organizations as tools of the Soviet Union . One interesting interpretation notes that it was thecapitalistic ideologies of the publishers of the major news organizationsthat immediately put them at odds with the Soviet form of government. Initially, Churchill proposed that theUnited States and Great Britain forge an English-speaking alliance tocombat what he called "Soviet aggression." He noted: Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisors, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instruction, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges (The New York Times 6 Mar. . After the war in Europe was over, that glue began quickly todissolve. The New York Times seemed to initially react with a general distrustof the Soviet Union, and to accept Churchill's Fulton thesis. Time noted that, "not Churchill, nor Stalin, nor Roosevelt, nor anyother Allied leader ever really articulated the nature of this war . "Lashed by the Flags of Freedom." Time (12 March 199 ): 26-36."On a Sandy Plain." Time (17 May 1948): 3 ."Truman Asserts Chances for Peace are Excellent; New Incidents Stir Berlin." The New York Times (23 July 1948): A1, 3."Twelve Points." Time (12 November 1945): 28."Victory in Europe." Time (14 May 1945): 17-21.Weisberger, Bernard. At the time, the Soviets were still allies of the UnitedStates, and the official view was that the Soviet Union had sufferedtremendous losses during the Second World War, which were now beingcompensated for. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these eastern states of Europe, have been raised to preeminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Later that month, Time wondered whether the situation would lead towar: No man (except perhaps Joseph Stalin) knew whether war was near. New York: American Heritage, 1984."Yalta at Work." Time (19 March 1945): 22.Other materials: The New York Times, (21 February 1945; 24, 25 April 1945;26, 27, 28, 29, 3 , 1945; 7-12, 26-8, 3 -31 August 1945; 6, 7, 9, 14 March1945; 2 October 1946;).----------------------- 25 Time did include at least six articles dealing with Potsdam in itsAugust 13, 1945 edition; however, rather than dealing with too much in theway of interpretation of the events, each simply explored one area ofdebate at the conference. Sensing a ratherlarge public relations ploy, President Truman agreed to join Churchillthere. Time, again, more reporting than analyzing, commented that, There was plenty of reaction, most of it bad. Indeed, theSoviet desire for "friendly" border nations has been seen by many as one ofthe predominant causes of the Cold War. For Americans, there was a special recognition of certain precepts which Americans have always held dear, and which would reassure many a citizen that World War II was not being fought in vain. Now the question became: What does the U.S. Even so, muchof Time's rhetoric was restrained, and much of the discussions about atomicenergy dealt with the natives on the Bikini Atoll. . military and naval chiefs continued to meet with Britons and Canadians on the Combined Chiefs of Staff, in as close a military alliance on a very high level as even Winston Churchill could desire. 1946). cooperation," "square Russian aims with those of. After a series of meetings, threats, andinternational political summits, The New York Times reported that it wasthe resolve of the democratic nations that caused the Russians to offerconcessions to the city (Middleton A1, 4). X" article that was to stir U.S. This is most evident in the use ofadjectival phrases like, "raging Russians," which were used to describe theattitude of the Soviet military in its attack on Berlin (2 ). In both publications, there was ample editorialsympathy for the Soviet Union during the war, and even some resistance onthe part of Time to turn to a more negative stance about former allies. It was eating its way into the homes of the American workman, its sharp tongues of revolutionary heat were licking the altars of the churches, eating into the belfry of the school bell, crawling into the sacred corners of American homes, seeking to replace marriage vows with libertine laws, burning up the foundations of society (quoted in Weisberger 13-14). The Russians are proud of their Army's victories, not so proud of its appearance and peacetime behavior. For one, the principle of 'free and unfettered elections' by universal suffrage and secret ballot was unequivocally stated . Still, even Time used its vast resources toinsure that Americans were aware of the way the Soviet Union had "changed." Finally, U.S. "Wild Crowds Greet News." The New York Times (7 May 1945): Al.Ash, Timothy Garton. reaction for the next two decades,and the Berlin Blockade and airlift between April and July, 1948. . . This is an interesting contrast to the earlier reporting by Timeregarding Soviet scheming to gather world opinion on its side in the pre-Potsdam conferences, in this case, the one held in San Francisco: Some of the wisest diplomats in San Francisco felt that [Stettinius's] seeming victory in getting the shabby Argentine Government admitted to the conference had in fact been a triumph for Molotov. And they wanted the British and Americans to see how well they were cleaning up and running the city. In this, they also tended to isolate and categorize anypolitical group that was left of center, and they also blamed any politicalproblems on the subversion with "orders from Moscow" (Time 2, 23 Sept.1946; The New York Times 2 Oct. This paper will use two forms of media examples in order toanalyze significant events in the early Cold War, The New York Times andTime magazine. The very phrases used,"great adventure in . Time magazine was one of the first news magazines to present balancedcoverage about the dropping of the bomb, and the passage-cited below isindicative of the way that this new technology was viewed by many: The greatest and most terrible of wars was ending, this week, in the echoes of an enormous event--an event so much more enormous that, relative to it, the war itself shrank to minor significance . The magazine also noted that it was apparentthat "the Russians wanted war," and it was almost imminent that a crisiswould occur ("The Nations--Sign Up Here" 21). Time had reporters who were source oriented, not wishing to stop the flow of information (Liebovich 9). Indeed, Time alsodevoted a full section of its coverage to the impact that the peacesettlement would have on the Soviets, although there are beginnings of theattitude that the Red Army and its leaders were not altogethersophisticated for times of peace. Cold War, Cold Peace. Until the end of his life, Trumanprofessed no doubts about the wisdom of dropping atomic weapons on Japan.The debate is over the actual reasons for their use, and many find thatJapan's proximity to the Soviet Union was too great a challenge not toutilize. [Many] confused Soviet goals and ambitions with domestic communist concerns in the United States. It reported that since theend of the war the Soviet Union had annexed almost 3 , square miles andover 24 million people, not counting its control over Eastern Europe.These points were further emphasized by the widespread publication of largemaps inevitable showing the awesome geographical and strategic dominancewhich the Soviets enjoyed over the entire Eurasian continent. 1946). . On June 25, 1948, Russian commanders tightened theblockade around the Allied sectors of Berlin, but the Western powers weredetermined to airlift enough supplies into the city in order to keep thepopulation alive and well. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. The History of the Cold War. Almost from the outset, Stalinemerged with a distinct advantage with clear objectives. However, The appalling implications of the explosive power now unlocked from the atom were not overlooked by the nation's leaders in war. .,"and continued to place all three Allied leaders as the people whoengineered Allied victory ("Victory in Europe" 17-21). At the beginning of its March 18, 1946, coverage, however,Time noted that: As usual, when he speaks, in or out of office, Winston Churchill set the world agog, this time with: 1) an assault on Russia; 2) a plea for combining the military strength of the U.S. The term "Cold War" is somewhat difficult to historically define.Indeed, many scholars have pointed to the origins of the hostility betweenthe Soviet Union and the United States as originating as early as 1917,when the Bolshevik Party rested control of the Russian government,establishing the first Marxist oriented revolutionary government. This caused some officers to fail to carry out their orders to turn over authority to the British and Americans ("Conference--Minuet" 32). In fact, much of Time's discussion of Potsdamcentered around the disposition of Germany and Nazi war criminals,something Time clearly believed was on the minds of its readership. Said one U.S. The New York Times was understandably jubilant about the Alliedvictory in Europe, and went to considerable length to assure its readersthat the Soviet Union had greatly contributed to the victory itself. A few Congressmen thought the speech 'realistic'; the majority were cold, some were 'shocked.' Other newspapers were somewhere in between, but generally viewed with distaste and alarm the kind of military marriage proposed by Churchill. In fact, when theSoviet Union refused to agree to a provision in the Baruch Plan that wouldallow aerial inspections of nations agreeing to some control on atomicenergy, Time noted that it was the Soviet Union that was responsible forthe failure to reach basic international agreements ("Atomic Age--RussiaCosmos" 28-9; "Atomic Age--Either/Or" 23). In addition, at the bottom of the same page, Americanswere made to feel safe in the advent of war by pictures of 1 enormous B-29bombers based in Britain, with the caption, "small focus, enormousperspective" (18). However, prior to the in-depth analysis of presscoverage, the paper will begin with a brief overview of the Trumanadministration, and comments from secondary sources on the role of thepress in the origins of the Cold War. Moreover, the type ofgraphic and textual coverage of the Berlin situation pointed to a cleardistinction between the noble aims of the west, and the dominance of theSoviet "bear." This is nowhere more in evidence than the large map in theJuly 12, 1948 edition ("The Nations--The Siege" 17). In December,1945, officials at the White house learned that Winston Churchill, thesymbol of Allied resistance to Nazism for many Americans, would receive anhonorary degree from Westminster College in March, 1946. Truman introduced Churchill, and more then 3 reporters began to take notes. . . An earlier edition lauded the U.S. Potsdam did not seem todamage the Soviet image in either publication as much as earlier meetings,but also, Potsdam did not represent the same category of achievements asYalta--instead merely reaffirming much of what had already been decided.In fact, the frustration felt by many of the news agencies regardingPotsdam was verbalized by Time: "They heaved and hauled to make somethingof nothing. and Britain in a fraternal association. news organizations are powerful vehicles of public opinionthat shape and mold attitudes for generations. . This bastion of cooperation was but a lull in the approachingtensions surrounding Truman's relationship with the Soviets. Just as both declared, in199 , that the Cold War was over, both made sure during the Trumanadministration that the war, if not declared, was, fought in rhetoricalterms by the media. It also shared both his anxieties about the future and"the essence of his argument that if the western democracies headed byAnglo-American fraternity pool their strength they can reach a goodunderstanding with Russia on all points." Once this was achieved, theTimes continued in the next day's edition, the two great powers might havethe change to "coexist" without conflict (6, 7 Mar. As early asApril 23, 1945, Truman became more than a bit negative regarding Sovietdiplomat Molotov, which was reported on a limited scale by The New YorkTimes and completely ignored by Time magazine (24, 25 April 1945). Of course, with such a voluminous amount of material, thenecessity of space limits us to some major issues and actions. Another problem, perhaps also accounting for the type of coverage inevidence in The New York Times, was that there was a limited news black-outregarding the actual events at the conference. It hailedChurchill as "the towering leader" of "our whole civilization" throughoutits darkest hours. . Almost immediately, the national news organizations picked up thisnew dilemma of international communism. . . By and large, the reporting from Potsdam's fringe last weekwas no credit to the world's press" (Conference--Minuet in Potsdam" 32). collective security, was roundly reaffirmed with the additional disclosure that the chief stumbling block (the voting powers of big members) has been ironed out ("Moment in History" 15). X." This article appeared in the foreign policyjournal Foreign Affairs. Truman. 1945, A4- 5).One must immediately note that it was through military might that Churchillbelieved the post-war world would turn for organization, leadership, andthe permanence of peace. do next?" ("TheEducation of the Misters" 22) One response from both Time and The New York Times had been toincrease its attacks on the American left, with particular vehemence towardthe American Communist Party. 1945, A1-3). As far back, then, as 1945, the mediawas portraying the necessity of atomic weapons as a deterrent to globalwar. By June 1948, a situation in Berlin had become one of the focalpoints of the Cold War. In surveying a number of additional Time articles, it becomes clearthat the policy of the magazine concluded that international cooperation oncontrol of atomic energy was aggravated by the Soviet Union. Clearly, though, one of the mostpredominant effects to arise from the Times reporting, was that the UnitedStates was the only power to have the technology capable of using the bomb,and it seemed as if, more than with Time magazine, The New York Times tookparticular effort in letting Americans know just how important thedevelopment and use of the weapon would be in the prevention of futurewarfare (7-12, 26-28, 3 -31 August 1945). 1946). President Truman voiced the danger: the processes of production and all the military applications thus far devised would not be divulged, 'pending further examination of possible methods of protecting us and the rest of the world from the danger of sudden destruction.' The President pledged himself to two prompt steps: 1) he would ask Congress to set up government control over the production and use of atomic power within the U.S.; 2) he would study and recommend to Congress means to make atomic force 'a powerful . They wanted to get the rougher elements out and the disciplined troops in before the British and Americans came. Interestingly enough, both Roosevelt and Winston Churchillbelieved that Stalin was a man who could be reasoned with, "if only I(Churchill) could dine with Stalin once a week, there would be no troubleat all. Although the pictures of thesmiling leaders were strategically placed on the cover of the newspaper,the articles were not quite supportive of the Soviet design for "collectivesecurity" and a "buffer zone" in Eastern Europe. Additionally, Time filled its pages with the type of material thatsuggested that its editorial policy pointed to the notion that an arms racewould not only be futile but counter-productive. The New York Times is a national daily that reports both nationaland international news. First, how would the Kremlin react tothe "Truman Doctrine" with its promise of assistance and limitation ofcommunist influence, and second, what would the form of the doctrine evolveinto? However, a new dimension was to open up the beginnings of the ColdWar, and the motivation behind the actions continue to be debated today.The events in question, namely the use of atomic weapons, allowed theUnited States to open a new era of history when it dropped bombs onHiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945. New York: Pantheon Books, 1968."Foreign Relations--Lippmann's 'Cold War'." Time (22 September 1947): 22- 3."His Sad and Breathless Moment." Time (18 March 1946): 17-19.Middleton, Drew. In addition,the Times frequently illustrated, in a style similar to that of the typeused to describe the fascist war aims just a few years before, aggressivearrows or mailed fists circulating from Moscow, iron gates guarding EasternEurope, and other symbols of aggressive totalitarianism and imperialism (14Mar. Truman,certain facts are in evidence. Between July 26 and 3 , 1945, The New York Times covered the eventsat Potsdam with a bit more cynicism and guard that its previous coverage ofYalta. Indeed, both carried a main theme of thesubversion of American life by "godless Communists," thus effectivelysetting the stage for one of the domestic highlights of the Cold War--theMcCarthy Era. In the analysis of the way coverage from Time and The New York Timescovered the Cold War during the early presidency of Harry S. Time magazine dutifully reported the article, andagain, rather than giving its readers much in the way of analysis, focusedon reporting the reactions of government officials ("Foreign Relations" 22-3). The primary role of Harry S. Behind the line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of central and eastern Europe, Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in the Soviet sphere and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and increasing measure of control from Moscow . At the same time these wealthy capitalist publishers were natural enemies of communism and Soviet ideology. Other scholars have pointed to the role that the press played in theorigins of the Cold War, in particular the years between 1944 and 1947.This opinion holds that both Roosevelt and Truman had considerableinfluence over journalists, and about perceptions toward the Soviet Unionin particular. In Washington, U.S. Between February 4 and 11, 1945, Franklin Roosevelt, WinstonChurchill, and Josef Stalin met in Yalta. The basic premise of the majorarticles that followed the Hiroshima and Nagasaki events was that it wasnecessary to use technology such as this in order to save American lives,prevent the spread of fascism, and limit the confines of any future war.Nevertheless, the Times also noted that work on the weapon began in 1939,and cost the American taxpayer some $2 billion dollars. 5). Further,showing just how patriotic and influential statements from the Presidentcould be, The New York Times reported that although Roosevelt detested theCommunist system, all Stalin wants, is to ensure the security of his country. Interestingly enough, Timemagazine appears to have been on a deadline, and included very littleanalysis of the speech itself. In terms of the early Cold War, however, it isinteresting to note that both The New York Times and Time magazine hadnothing but praise for both Stalin and the Red Army. The consensus: such an alliance would only provoke Russian suspicion, already acute, and pull the props of trust and confidence right out from under UNO--or so they feared ("Sad and Breathless" 17). I think that if I give him everything I possibly can without demanding anything in return, then noblesse oblige, he will not attempt to annex anything and will work to build a peaceful and democratic world (11 Feb. Mitchell Palmer, eager to become theDemocratic nominee for the presidency in 192 , wrote: Like a prairie fire, the blaze of revolution was sweeping over every American institution of law and order. Inthis view, it was not necessarily the events that caused a particular typeand quality of reporting, but the very nature of the Marxist-Leninistsystem. One of the most visible, at least in the rhetorical sense, aspects ofthe Cold War occurred in a small Missouri town called Fulton. Thus, the climate for a "Cold War" was in evidence, and after March1947, there seemed little more than two key foreign policy decisions leftto decide regarding Soviet behavior. 1945, A4-5). "From War to Cold War." The New York Review of Books 34 (11 June 1987): 44-5 ."Atomic Age--Either/Or." Time (6 January 1947): 23."The Atomic Age--Russia Cosmos." Time (26 November 1945): 289."Ed and His Friends." Time (14 May 1945): 1 ."The Education of the Misters." Time (12 May 1947): 22.Fontaine, Andre. The New York Times noted on page one of its February 11 edition thatthe notion of "carving" up Europe was not new to either Stalin orChurchill. We get on like a house on fire" (quoted in Ash 47). It was just this optimism, many believed, thatled to the disillusionment with post-war Soviet behavior. Additionally . . the U.S.," and "the Kremlin's immediate willingness," show that Timewas setting the stage for what it hoped would be indicative of the nextyears ("Yalta at Work" 22). . For thisreason, the coverage of the conference was highly positive, and bothorganizations contained praise for Stalin and the Soviets. Roosevelt had commented that although hedid not trust the Soviets, Stalin was a man he could "deal with." Truman,on the other hand, had little international experience, and never trustedStalin. military and scientific communityfor the development of the bomb, a "new era" in the ability for civilizednations to keep international peace. They inherently viewed the Soviet Union as an enemy, especially when war-time allegiances were removed . Time magazine was similarly positive, and in its cover story for theFebruary 19, 1945, edition, it called Yalta a "moment in history." Furtherexacerbating the patriotic fervor engendered by the approaching end to thewar in Europe, Time noted that Yalta held a special relationship for theAmerican public. Time noted just a few weeks after Truman's March announcement that,"At last even the dullest U.S. When the bomb split open the universe and revealed the prospect of the infinitely extraordinary, it also revealed the oldest, simplest, commonest, most neglected and most important of facts: that each man is eternally and above all else responsible for his own soul, and, in the terrible words of the Psalmist, that no man may deliver his brother, nor make agreement unto God for him ("The Nation--The Bomb" 18). But most wars, including the Trojan, the Franco-Prussian, and that of Jenkins' ear, are caused not by incidents but by somebody's belief that he can get something by war that he cannot get any other way ("The Nations--War" 18).Thus, the prelude to war was set by Time, and the complete blame was placedon the Soviets. . They lumped the aims of the U.S. and Soviet relations, aState Department official by the name of George Kennan wrote an articleunder the pseudonym "Mr. admiral: 'I hope to God the British staff does stay' ("Sad and Breathless" 19). Apparently, Churchill kept Truman aware of the content of hisspeech. Thecontrasts were apparent, and from the patrician elegance of Roosevelt,emerged a fighter who made it plain from the outset that he did not favorStalin or the concessions signed at Yalta. . Roosevelt appeared before a joint session of Congress on March 1,1945, and The New York Times noted that he appeared to be in good health.This was not the case, however, and on April 12, 1945, he died at the ageof 63, leaving the role of the wartime gauntlet to Harry S. Time appears much the same way, although since it was a weekly, ittended to amass the stories with more care, and present more research andreporting than analyzation. The remainder of the articlewas balanced, but still attempted to insure that western philosophies aboutPoland were clearly outlined ("Conferences--Seventeen Days" 27). As such, itseditorial policy seemed to vary with the climate and perceptions of thecountry. This attitude certainlyprecluded the tensions engendered at the end of World War II, yet after thewar the Soviet Union seemed like a genuine threat to their own livelihood. Attorney General A. Time covered the deepening Verling crisis in a bit more depth thansome of its previous coverage of Cold War events, and coveted Berlin as thecity of "civilization, emerging from the ashes of the rubble of World WarII" ("On a Sandy Plain" 3 ). . One of the legacies of Yalta that affected Truman was certainly notedby both Churchill and Roosevelt--namely, that of having to weighinternational decisions on the scale of public opinion, since both wereconcerned about the next election. Duringthese analyses, only the primary news reports from Time and The New YorkTimes will be used. 1946). With the advent of what many term to be the end of the Cold War, oneis naturally concerned with its beginnings. In itslater research, the Times also became just as analytically harsh aboutChurchill's accusations regarding the Soviets. Secondly, the publications under scrutiny here do not have the samemission. Stalin had no such concern, and as bothThe New York Times and Time noted, it was important for American morale tobelieve that the events at Yalta were conceived and executed in a spirit offriendship and cooperation, not with any sort of pessimism or doom.Moreover, both periodicals were important enough on the national scene thatany perceived rift between the United States and the Soviet Union, on asubject like Poland, for instance, would be political suicide. The plea, not new, was nevertheless startling at this juncture in world affairs ("His Sad and Breathless Moment" 17). . citizen was made to realize the exasperatingdifficulty and the aggravating exhaustion of dealing with the Sovietgovernment. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy (The New York Times 6 Mar. The bomb rendered all decisions made so far, at Yalta and at Potsdam, mere trivial dams across tributary rivulets. What,many wondered, would fill the void in the political and social spectrum. influence towards the maintenance of world peace' ("The Nation--Birth of an Era" 17) The New York Times, on the other hand, was far more factual in itspresentation of the atomic situation. Onenegative reference to the Soviet Union, though, came in the lead article.Time noted that "subterfuge no longer obscured Russia's intention todominate Eastern Europe" and that the communications between the Sovietdelegation and its government "tacitly recognized the new Poland's statusas a satellite of Russia." Continuing on, the author somewhat overstatedthe situation, but noted that Stalin had been overly stubborn aboutconceding anything on the Polish question. It tended to follow the news from the point ofview of individual occurrences, and in particular, the way that the currentadministration dealt with particular policies and events. . Stettinius' forthright support of Argentina, said they, unnecessarily pointed up the disproportionate voting strength of the U.S.'s noisy Latin American bloc, gave Molotov a brilliantly used opportunity to pose as the conference's moral spokesman in opposing the Argentine jingoes, and generally cost the U.S. However, the most famous section of the speech, now dubbedChurchill's "Iron Curtain" Address, contained the warning and attitude thatwould become the preeminent ideological basis for the Cold War itself.After his introductory premonition that no one "knows what Soviet Russiaand its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediatefuture, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive or proselytizingtendencies," Churchill became quite specific in his foreboding about theSoviet Union. In basic terms, the Times seemed to follow the governmental lineregarding Yalta. 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