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INTERVENTION IN DOMINICAN REPUBLIC IN 1965 & GRENADA IN 1983.
Term Paper ID:21181
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Essay Subject:
Evaluates justification for Amer. & British aggression. Just vs. unjust wars, legality, leadership, major issues, strategy, public views, opposition.... More...
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7 Pages / 1575 Words
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Paper Abstract: Evaluates justification for Amer. & British aggression. Just vs. unjust wars, legality, leadership, major issues, strategy, public views, opposition.
Paper Introduction: Michael Walzer delineates the conception of just and unjust wars and states that no war can be just on both sides, though a war can be unjust on both sides. In general, war is unjust for the one at fault and just for the defender against aggression. Walzer indicates how the legalist paradigm of aggression has been used to differentiate between the two, between the just and the unjust war. This paradigm begins with the domestic analogy which holds that aggression is the international equivalent of armed robbery or murder. Walzer points out that international society is and is not like domestic relationships, but to the degree that it is like domestic relationships, the legalist paradigm may suffice to demonstrate who is at fault. International aggression is worse than domestic crime because the threat is so much greater and there is no policeman to act as protector. There are
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The intervention wasgranted some measure of hemispheric approval by the creation of an OAS-sponsored peace force, which supplemented the United States militarypresence in the republic.[iii] U.S. The Dominican Crisis. The atmosphere that was createdcaused anxiety among U.S. troops had been ordered into combat in theCaribbean. The humanitarian mission of rescuing Americans on the island offersbetter justification for the actions taken, and the threat to those U.S.citizens was real given that the level of violence in the country wasrising and that the students were fearful of their safety. Just and Unjust Wars. A number of junior military officers were also part of therevolution, and a combination of reformist military and aroused civiliancombatants took to the streets, seized the National palace, and installedRafael Molina Urena as provisional president. The Constitutionalists seized the initiative. There are police powers, but they aredispersed through all the members of the society. The invasion of Grenada was the first time since theDominican intervention that U.S. The Triumvirate neversucceeded in establishing its authority over competing conservativefactions both inside and outside the miliary and also never convinced themajority of the population of its legitimacy. While domestic opinion supported the invasion, international opinion didnot. The threat waslargely speculative, based on the turmoil within the country and the beliefthat a large army had been put together and trained there. The U.S. Only the United Stats and theOECS participants defended the action. While the policy seemed to succeed at first, in timeit was apparent that this intervention could not restore San Isidro'soffensive capabilities. The invasion was presented as a rescue mission, but overseveral weeks after the invasion the administration offered a number ofjustifications for the invasion and thus showed its thinking. Thesewill be analyzed according to the legalist paradigm to qualify them as justor unjust wars and to test the use of the paradigm. Michael Walzer delineates the conception of just and unjust wars andstates that no war can be just on both sides, though a war can be unjust onboth sides. It was alsobased on the perception that the Soviets were really in charge an would beusing the island as a base in the Caribbean, though this idea seems to havebeen challenged by the fact that the country was in such turmoil that itwas not clear who was in charge or who wold be in charge when it was allover. 3) Any use of force or imminent threat of force by one state againstthe political sovereignty or territorial integrity of another is consideredaggression and is also a criminal act. Melanson, Revolution andIntervention in Grenada (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press,1985), 147.Ibid., 147.Gregory Sandford and Richard Vigilante, Grenada: The UntoldStory (New York: madison Books, 1984), 177.Schoenhals and Melanson, 162-163.----------------------- 3 and Richard A. Instead, it was said that there was anatmosphere of violent uncertainty in Grenada after the house arrest ofPrime Minister Bishop, and it was said that as a result there was noresponsible government in the country. Walzer makes two assumptions based on the domestic analogy as itpertains to the legalist paradigm in international aggression: 1) there isa presumption in favor of military resistance once aggression has begun,and such resistance is important so that rights can be maintained andfuture aggressors deterred; and 2) when fighting does break out, there mustalways be some state against which the law can hold and should be enforced--there must be an aggressor who is responsible.[i] Walzer calls the primaryform of the theory of just and unjust wars the legalist paradigm because itconsistently reflects the conventions of law and order. Haggerty, Dominican Republic and Haiti: CountryStudies (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1989), 32-33.Piero Gleijeses, The Dominican Crisis (Baltimore: The JohnsHopkins University Press, 1978), 255.Ibid., 257-258.Kai P. Melanson. Revolution and Intervention in Grenada. Military troops now set outto save the Loyalists.[v] The U.S. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978.Sandford, Gregory and Richard Vigilante. public. the UnitedStates, however, was acting unilaterally in the beginning and would onlygain OAS approval after the fact. Donald Reid Cabal was thehead of the Triumvirate in 1965, and it was widespread dissatisfaction withhis government that produced a revolution in April 1965. Walzer indicates how the legalistparadigm of aggression has been used to differentiate between the two,between the just and the unjust war. The junta was called the Triumvirate and was dominated by onepolitical party, the Union Civica Nacional (UCN). When certain military forcesstruck back, the revolution took on the dimensions of a civil war. It was thought that the mere presence of themarines might be enough to discourage the rebels and encourage theLoyalists. Here again,though, it is not clear that the degree of force brought to bear wasjustified by the humanitarian aim or that such a response was evennecessary to achieve the stated goal of rescuing the students. citizens onGrenada; 2) to "forestall further chaos," and 3) to "assist in a jointeffort to restore order and democracy" there. Dominican Republic and Haiti: Country Studies. Based on Article 8 of the OECS treaty, they had requestedassistance from the United States.[vii] One writer offers the supportive assessment of the situation inwriting, When the long-feared military intervention came, it was not a response to PRG's constant rhetorical provocations, nor to its pro- Soviet activities, nor even to the local threat of its ongoing military buildup. Johnson acted on the beliefthat the Constitutionalists were dominated by communists and that theytherefore could never be allowed to come to power. Not even Johnson wasclaiming that the revolution as a whole was communist inspired but onlythat some communists might be able to make use of it to gain a foothold.This is a tenuous argument to make to justify such intervention. The intervention would have tobe seen as an intervention as a matter of law enforcement by an outsideforce under the direction of an international organization. International aggression is worsethan domestic crime because the threat is so much greater and there is nopoliceman to act as protector. Thepolitical character of the intervention became apparent as PresidentJohnson then stated that communist leaders trained in Cuba were takingadvantage of the situation to gain a foothold. Theoriginal intent was humanitarian, and it might be different had thehumanitarian troops been attacked or had there been some other form ofprovocation to fight. 4) Two types of violent response are justified by aggression--a warof self-defense by the victim, and a war of law enforcement by the victimand any other member of international society. The U.S. This action was thinly disguisedas a "humanitarian intervention," and it marked the beginning of the U.S.invasion of the Dominican Republic.[iv] Both the American government andits representatives in Santo Domingo hoped at first to avoid a flagrantmilitary intervention with serious repercussions not only in the UnitedStates but in Latin America. denies isits intention or goal, but one that it is seen as having undertaken onseveral occasions. the marines at first took no part in the fighting butrestricted themselves to taking positions around the American embassy andother important areas, far from the combat zone and in the middle of theevacuation operation. The intervention in Grenada would prove to be very popular with theU.S. New York: Basic Books, 1977.-----------------------Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars (New York: Basic Books,1977), 59.Ibid., 61-63.Richard A. As with thecase of the Dominican Republic, it would seem that what started as ahumanitarian mission turned into a political one based on perceptions. Two such occasions can be found in the intervention inthe Dominican Republic in 1965 and the invasion of Grenada in 1983. 5) Only aggression can justify war, and only in the two ways notedabove. It was indeed based on speculation. In general, war is unjust for the one at fault and just forthe defender against aggression. Endnotes BibliographyHaggerty, Richard A. The action takenwas therefore justified as a rescue operation. 2) This international society has a law that establishes the rightsof its members, above all protecting the rights of territorial integrityand political sovereignty. The firstannouncement of the action outlined the reasons for the operation: 1) toensure the "personal safety" of between 8 and 1, U.S. In addition, the OECS(Organization of Eastern Caribbean States) had made an urgent request thatthe U.S. TheGrenada experience is more justifiable from the U.S. point of view becausethe OECS asked for help, but the decision of the OECS to do so is lessjustifiable given the lack of direct aggression any had experienced fromGrenada at the time. The Constitutionalists held their positions in thecapital and appeared to be poised to branch out and to secure control ofthe entire country. There was no such provocation. It came as a result of the regime's own internal disintegration into chaos and bloodshed, as the paranoia and ruthlessness in which the NJM leaders had indoctrinated themselves so assiduously, turned inward. was clearly acting asinternational policeman without having the clear authority to do so, andits stated reason for taking this action was unclear as to accuracy fromthe beginning. Walzer points out thatinternational society is and is not like domestic relationships, but to thedegree that it is like domestic relationships, the legalist paradigm maysuffice to demonstrate who is at fault. their role wa changed when thecommander of the Marine Expeditionary Unit aboard the task force wasordered to send 5 armed marines ashore. action is difficult to defend under the legalist paradigm.There was indeed an organization of independent states in the OAS(Organization of American States), but Washington neglected to inform theOAS that there was to be a military intervention, in direct contraventionof articles 15 and 17 of the OAS charter. Theseconservative forces called themselves Loyalists, the other side being theConstitutionalists. The United Nations Security Council took up the issue, and it wascalled by Mexico's representative a clear violation of international lawand as totally lacking any justification. citizens living in the country. students on Grenada had been in danger and that Grenada had becomea Soviet outpost.[ix] The situation in Grenada was such that it alarmed its neighbors.Yet, there had been no direct aggression against them. Four days later, the United States intervened in thecivil war when President Johnson sent troops eventually totaling 2 , tosecure Santo Domingo and to restore order. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress, 1989.Gleijeses, Piero. 6) The aggressor state must first be repulsed, and then it can alsobe punished.[ii] The Dominican Republic in 1965 was under the leadership of a civilianjunta installed by military coup in 1962, a coup that negated the 1962elections. The administration would continue to emphasize certain elements thatjustified the intervention, though what could not be indicated was specificaggression against another state. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1985.Walzer, Michael. New York: Madison Books, 1984.Schoenhals, Kai P. Grenada: The Untold Story. Far from being a violation of Grenada's sovereignty, it was a restoration of sovereignty to the Grenadian people vis-a-vis a regime which had lost any trace of a legitimate mandate it might once have enjoyed.[viii]The intervention was also challenged by many who felt it was not justified,it was an intrusion into the internal affairs of Grenada, and it wasdirected at a country that had not acted aggressively toward its neighbors. intervene, and this constituted the second reason for landing.The neighboring states had been following events in Grenada for some timeand had determined that there were developments of grave concern to theirsafety. Under thisparadigm, the theory of aggression can be summed up in six propositions: 1) There is an international society composed of independent states. naval forces stationed off the coast of Santo Domingo wereinitially enlisted in the effort to evacuate American citizens who were inthe country when the revolution started. It was merely adecision to bolster one side in a civil war over the other to protectAmerican interests in the broadest sense. presented evidence thatthe U.S. However, the Unitedstates has often acted as world policeman, a role that the U.S. The vanguard ofthe revolution was the perredeistas, or members of the DominicanRevolutionary Party, or PRD, and other supporters of former leader JuanBosch. This paradigm begins with thedomestic analogy which holds that aggression is the internationalequivalent of armed robbery or murder. Schoenhals and Richard A. President Reagan emphasizedthat the effort had been mounted in response to an urgent and formalrequest from several eastern Caribbean states.[vi] Such a request wouldmean the involvement of an international organization of independent statesseeking to contain specific aggression, and such aggression could then becountered legally by the police powers of the independent organization. The outcome of this interventionwould indeed not be such as to justify the action either, but the importantthing is that by the legalist paradigm, the intervention in the civil warin the Dominican Republic could not be justified.
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