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NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION.   Term Paper ID:21921 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Amer. & international concerns & efforts to stem spread of nuclear weapons in Third World. Background, examples, monitoring.... More...

9 Pages / 2025 Words 8 sources, 12 Citations, TURABIAN Format $36.00 Return to List of Papers

Paper Abstract: Amer. & international concerns & efforts to stem spread of nuclear weapons in Third World. Background, examples, monitoring. Paper Introduction: The United States developed the first atomic bomb and used it to end World War II in 1945. After the war, the world was marked by a Cold War that lasted until the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of the former Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s. During that long period of time, a number of other nations joined the nuclear club by developing the capability to produce nuclear weapons, and one of the primary goals of American foreign policy was to limit nuclear proliferation to the greatest degree possible. In the changed world circumstances faced today, the danger of nuclear proliferation has not passed. Instead, there is more and more concern about new technological developments that might make it possible for smaller and less-developed nations to produce nuclear weapons that would be smaller and more powerful than the bombs used on Japan in 1945. Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. This was asociety at war without there being a war, and thus the "war" was now athome as well as abroad. Many European countries--Iraq's major source of critical equipment and technology--strongly resisted tightening controls on exports to Iraq and to other developing countries. Nye, Jr., "New Approaches to Nuclear ProliferationPolicy," Science (May 29, 1992), 1293. "Fighting Off Doomsday." Time (June 21, 1993), 36-38.Nye, Jr., Joseph S. Today, the situation is much more complex.This can be seen in the cases of Pakistan and South Africa, which show thatit is not necessary to conduct a full-scale nuclear test to be a nuclear-armed power. During the 196 s, it was predicted by many that if nothing weredone about the possibility, there would be 2 or 3 avowed nuclear-weaponsstates by now. The image created of theperiod, through the 195 s, is an image of a society in fear, a society withnew enemies, enemies not as clearly defined as earlier enemies. Thesecond approach involves a melange of top-secret methods used byintelligence agencies, and the techniques include communication intercepts,export monitoring, human intelligence,high-resolution photography, and detailed analyses of publicly availableinformation. [12]Ibid., 1293-1294.----------------------- 1 The problem was that Westerngovernments were unwilling to risk the kind of political confrontation thatthey had with North Korea in the late 198 s and early 199 s.[1 ] The problem of nuclear proliferation clearly remains of vitalinterest to the U.S. Overall, the endof the Cold War and the Gulf War demonstrated how important the issue is tobe: The end of the Cold War has reduced the risk of a large-scale nuclear war, but it has also reduced control by the superpowers. [4]John D. [5]Bruce W. [8]Ibid., 14-16. "A Treaty for All Time." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (November-December 1994), 19-23.Holum, John D. North Korea has not only embarked on the road to the bomb, but according to many analysts, it has actually arrived. Each of theseproblems poses separate problems and questions about appropriate policygoals.[12] The United States has an interest in preventing nuclear proliferationin the Third World and indeed in any part of the world. Analysts are hoping that the threat can be averted and thatthe effort by North Korea to attain nuclear capability will prove to be theundoing of the repressive regime that rules there today: For all sorts of reasons, a regime like that of Kim Il Sung merits nothing but disdain. The extent of the Iraqi effort was unmasked by the Gulf War,which shows that the Iraqis had a determined, well-funded nuclear-weaponsprogram that had largely escaped detection. "A Proliferation Primer." Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (June 1993), 14-23.Bacevich, A.J. Governments and international organizations will need to improve their ability to detect the existence and status of nuclear-weapons efforts in threshold countries and among terrorist groups. We can only speculate about what such clashes would be like ifone or more participants possessed nuclear weapons, or what might occur ofa terrorist group had nuclear weapons. During that long period oftime, a number of other nations joined the nuclear club by developing thecapability to produce nuclear weapons, and one of the primary goals ofAmerican foreign policy was to limit nuclear proliferation to the greatestdegree possible. Argentina andAlgeria have announced their intention to join, and Chile and Brazil haveannounced that they will not acquire nuclear weapons. BibliographyAlbright, David. Burdened with an accumulation of useless military paraphernalia and laid low by decades of misrule, North Korea will soon enough collapse of its own weight. Any facility in a non-nuclear weapon statethat is notsafeguarded is then spotlighted as a suspected nuclear weapons site. Monitoring has become more complicated as the breakup of theformer Soviet Union aggravated the problem of containing its stocks ofweapons, materials, and technology. [3]Andrew Kohut and Robert C. [2]John D. The policy of the United States, in concert with its allies, should be to marginalize, isolate and ignore North Korea, refusing absolutely and under any conditions to bend to any efforts at intimidation, real or implied. In the future, successful and earlydetection of weapons efforts will require more resources, increased sharingof intelligence information, and the maintenance of a high politicalcommitment to stemming proliferation.[8] Today there are two independent approaches to detecting secretnuclear activities. [11]Joseph S. The treaty also establishes a framework for preventing the spread of nuclear weapons and for facilitating and regulating cooperation among states in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. The first of these is the IAEA (International AtomicEnergy Agency) safeguards system, which presently monitors nuclear materialat some 9 declared nuclear facilities in more than 5 countries, and thisverification system entails a combination of on-site inspections, materialsaccounting, and containment and surveillance. The U.S. The Times Mirror Center for the People & the Press in a 1993survey found that protecting American oil supplies and preventing nuclearproliferation were the only foreign policy goals shared by both the generalpublic and groups of opinion leaders in nine professional fields, includingbusiness, religion, and science. [6]A.J. Nelan, "Fighting Off Doomsday," Time (June 21, 1993), 36-37. If the war had not led to thedestruction of the program, Iraq might now have its first nuclear weapon.This showed many that the peaceful means of blocking nuclearproliferation--the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT),nuclear supplier controls, and the International Atomic Energy Agency(IAEA) safeguards system--had failed to detect the Iraqi nuclear program orto stop it: If the nonproliferation system is going to work, existing approaches will need to be improved and expanded. The superpower standoff that exerted precarious control over the use and proliferation of weapons of mass destruction has vanished along with the Soviet empire. The Gulf War showed that Iraq, in violation of its obligations under the Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), had a massive program to develop nuclear weapons. The successful Iraqi deception raised questions about the adequacy of national intelligence efforts as well as of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspection system. The NPT reflects a broad consensus against nuclear proliferation. Allan M. The threat of nuclear proliferation remains, and with it comes the need to preserve the NPT as the primary bulwark against the further spread of nuclear weapons. Indeed, it has been found thatthere is little consensus in the post-Cold War world as to what constitutesAmerica's vital interests and thus as to what sorts of policies should beimplemented in matters of nuclear proliferation as in other foreign policyissues. Most Western governments supported Iraq over Iran in their bloody war. With or without nuclear arms, North Korea deserves neither attention nor respect. Now there are questions about North Korea approaching a nuclear weapons capability.[11]In the coming decade, there will be three major problems innonproliferation policy. Polls indicate that there is substantialsupport for using force to prevent a buildup of nuclear weapons in NorthKorea, for instance, and 1993 surveys found majority support for U.S.intervention to preempt a North Korean nuclear threat while at the sametime there was majority opposition to defending South Korea from NorthKorean aggression. In every case, support for using air power was greater than forground forces by an average of ten percentage points.[3] The American commitment to non-proliferation was recently reiteratedby U.S. In some cases, the failure stemmed from inadequate monitoring; in others, from a lack of political commitment.[7]What is needed is better national and international monitoring for theverification of existing agreements, particularly of the NPT. Kim's government is an eager peddler of missiles to other countries, and Western analysts fear that Pyongyang could assist other would-be nuclear powers like Iran.[5]Tensions between North Korea and the U.S. It reportedly has enough plutonium for at least one nuclear bomb, and it has successfully test-fired a new missile, the 65 -mile-range No-Dong I, that could reach beyond South Korea to Japan, China or eastern Russia. And it has proved an important instrument for enhancing the social and economic development of its members.[4] The importance for the United States of stopping nuclearproliferation is seen in the recent diplomatic battles between the UnitedStates and North Korea, a country suspected of trying to develop nuclearweaponry: Even though the cold war is over, leaders like Kim [Jong Il] are making the world a more, not less, dangerous place. Holum in aspeech to the Conference on Disarmament when he stated: With the end of the Cold War, we have moved from a bipolar world to a multipolar world. Holum, "A Treaty for All Time," Bulletin of the AtomicScientists (November-December 1994), 19. After the war, the world was marked by a Cold Warthat lasted until the fall of the Berlin Wall and the disintegration of theformer Soviet Union at the end of the 198 s. And it is with disdain that his regime should be treated. There are in fact only five, along with three other"threshold" states which might be able to achieve nuclear weaponry in thenear future. It isbelieved that the more nuclear bombs there are in the world, and the morehands in control of these weapons, the less safe the world will be. As long as the current regime remains in Pyongyang, North Korea will remain utterly unfit to join the community of nations. [9]Ibid., 16. Toth, "Arms and the People," ForeignAffairs (November-December 1994), 53-55. The United States developed the first atomic bomb and used it to endWorld War II in 1945. Thereare efforts to reduce the number of nuclear weapons in the world and tomake it less necessary for anyone to have them, and preventing newcountries from joining the nuclear club is an important step in making theworld a safer place. The Gulf War, for that matter, revealed the inadequacies oftraditional IAEA safeguards and intelligence gathering. If it crumbles--indeed, if cracks are detected--a great deal of the nuclear security architecture painstakingly constructed by the international community may collapse. In the non-nuclear weaponsstates, this system is intended to expose any use of civilian facilitiesfor weapons purposes or the diversion of nuclear material, which might thenbe used for weapons purposes. came to the war later, fought overseas, experienced no devastationat home, and gained a confidence that would last beyond the war. New York: Harper & Row, 1985.----------------------- [1]Allan M. In the changed world circumstances faced today, thedanger of nuclear proliferation has not passed. At that time, the telltale sign of anuclear-armed country was an easily detectable full-scale nuclear test.There was then little civilian plutonium or highly enriched uranium incirculation, so IAEA safeguards of the civilian nuclear industry wereconsidered straightforward. It was in this context that fears of nuclear proliferation firstdeveloped. Toth. Winkler, Modern America: The United States from World WarII to the Present (New York: Harper & Row, 1985) xi. It is at once an agreement to forgo nuclear weapons; an agreement to put peaceful nuclear facilities under international safeguards; an undertaking to end the arms race and pursue nuclear disarmament; and an agreement promoting access to technical cooperation in the peaceful use of nuclear energy.[2] Many Americans are vaguely aware that there are mechanisms in placeto control the spread of nuclear weapons, though it is not clear that thesemechanisms are understood by the public. "New Approaches to Nuclear Proliferation Policy." Science (May 29, 1992), 1293-1297.Winkler, Allan M. It does this by balancing positive and negative rights and obligations. are nothing new, extending backat least to the Korean War in the early 195 s, but the concern now is thatthe tension would be escalated with the addition of North Korean nuclearcapability, making North Korea an even greater danger to its neighbors thanit is today. Iraq is consideredan intelligence failure because large-scale nuclear weapons activities werenot discovered by the IAEA or Western intelligence agencies, but thereasons for this failure involve more than a deficiency in eithersafeguards or intelligence-collection methods: Western governments did not aggressively pursue leads about Iraqi nuclear efforts or seriously impede Iraq's nuclear program during the 198 s. and a problem that has created new difficulties withchanging technologies and changing political alliances. Instead, there is more andmore concern about new technological developments that might make itpossible for smaller and less-developed nations to produce nuclear weaponsthat would be smaller and more powerful than the bombs used on Japan in1945. After the war, American societyhad to face new challenges with the polarization of the world into twoopposing camps, the proliferation of nuclear weaponry, the war in Koreashowing a new power in China and a new importance for Asia, and fears ofcommunist propaganda and infiltration at home. The NPT serves two mutually reinforcing aims: nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament. In somecases, clandestine nuclear-weapons efforts may not violate internationalagreements, but their early detection is still in the interests of globalsecurity. Not only has the disintegration of the Soviet Union removed Soviet control over its client states, but it has also raised the question of how many nuclear states will succeed it. The authorbegins with World War II because he feels "that the war had a profoundimpact in shaping the nature of postwar society."[1] He notes that thewar developed differently in the United States than it did anywhere else--the U.S. "North Korea: Just Say No." America (July 16, 1994), 12- 15.Holum, John D. Bacevich, "North Korea: Just Say No," America (July 16, 1994),15, [7]David Albright, "A Proliferation Primer," Bulletin of the AtomicScientists (June 1993), 14. Duringand after the war, various conferences were held among the Allies,conferences that would become statements of principle and the basis of post-war institutions like the United Nations. Holum, "Negotiating a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty," U.S.Department of State Dispatch (January 31, 1994), 42. Although export controls were being strengthened by the late 198 s, the new controls were too late to stop Iraq.[9]Intelligence agencies did not detect the full scope of the nuclear programin Iraq, but they did know enough before the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait tohave justified some sort of intervention. Winkler in his book Modern America: The United States fromWorld War II to the Present relates the history of what came to be calledthe Cold War period up to 1985, several years before the Cold Wareffectively ended with the dissolution of the Soviet Empire. [1 ]Ibid., 16-17. These two approaches were considered adequate in 197 whenthe NPT was first brought into force. One of the forces that has prevented the spread of weapons toa wider number of countries is the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).The NPT system has steadily expanded since 197 , with much progress inrecent years--China has joined, as have France, South Africa, and most ofthe newly independent states of the former Soviet Union. The first is the traditional problem of slowingthe rate of spread of nuclear weapons to additional countries such as Iraqand North Korea; the second revolves around what to do after proliferationhas taken place in regions such as South Asia and the Middle East; and thethird set of problems relates to the disintegration of the Soviet Union andits effect on the spread of nuclear weapons and knowledge. The NPT now has 165countries as signatories: The NPT's entry into force in 197 transformed the acquisition of nuclear weapons from an act of national pride into a violation of international law. Even those nationsthat are friendly today might not be friendly in the future. The Times Mirror Center for the People and the Press inMay 1994 surveyed public attitudes toward the use of force, depending onthe justification for intervention (national interest,humanitarian cause, police role) and the kind of force to be used (air orground)and found majority support for the use of force to insure the U.S.oil supply, thwart nuclear proliferation, and provide humanitarian aid.However, there was little support for military intervention to restore lawand order. "Arms and the People." Foreign Affairs (November-December 1994), 47-61.Nelan, Bruce W. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency Director John D. While the Cold War may have ended, international tensions have notdisappeared as more and more border wars and regional conflicts havedeveloped. Modern America: The United States from World War II to the Present. Department of State Dispatch (January 31, 1994), 42-46.Kohut, Andrew and Robert C. Although many secret programs have been detected and thwarted, several important programs have eluded detection. "Negotiating a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty." U.S. has long believed nuclearproliferation was something to be fought, and clearly there is and shouldbe a concern about the spread of nuclear weapons to the Third World today. That collapse will serve as an object lesson to others tempted by nuclear pretensions that would imperil the world.[6] There are other Third World countries that also have approachednuclear capability and that have been seen as a direct threat to the Westin doing so. Detecting small, dedicated nuclear facilities is difficult, and the record is mixed. For instance, thedisintegration of the Soviet Union may have reduced tensions in somerespects, but it has created new nuclear fears with the number of nuclearweapons in the new state of Ukraine as well as in Russia. 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