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BRITISH & U.N. POLICY ON CYPRUS.   Term Paper ID:22603 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Political & military policy toward island's Greek-Turkish conflict, independence, national interest, partitioning, theory.... More...

13 Pages / 2925 Words 11 sources, 35 Citations, TURABIAN Format $52.00 Return to List of Papers

Paper Abstract: Political & military policy toward island's Greek-Turkish conflict, independence, national interest, partitioning, theory. Paper Introduction: BRITISH POLICY ON THE CYPRUS PROBLEM Introduction This research examines the “Cyprus Problem” which has divided the island and defied solution. The United Kingdom was a long-time colonial occupier of the island, and remains one of the protector states along with Turkey to guarantee independence for Cyprus. British policy towards the Cyprus Problem is a focus of this research. The Cypriot Issue Since the creation in 1960 of the independent nation of Cyprus, the country frequently has been referred to as the "reluctant republic." The ethnic division of the island’s population is approximately 80 percent Greek and 20 percent Turk. The great majority of Greek Cypriots long have pushed for union with Gr Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. [xxx]Ibid. The Turkish Cypriots accepted the principle of the rightto return and the right to property for displaced Greek Cypriots, providedthat they took account of the practical difficulties of the Turkish Cypriotside. . The GreekCypriots, "despite their majority status, have apprehensions that must bedealt with as well. Instead, the latter would be compensated."[xxxiii] For their part, the Greek Cypriots insisted on the principle of theright of return and the right to property, while recognizing "the need toresolve the practical difficulties faced by Turkish Cypriots."[xxxiv] TheGreek Cypriots opposed "any massive confiscation of the properties ofdisplaced persons," contending that "the property owned by Greek Cypriotsin the area that, under the suggested territorial adjustments, would makeup the Turkish Cypriot federated State was twice that of the properties ofTurkish Cypriots in the area that would form the Greek Cypriot federatedState," and that "the ratio between the respective 1974 values of theseGreek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot properties was 8:1."[xxxv] Assessment of the Cyprus Problem Realism in international relations theory is an approach holding thatthe world, imperfect as it is from the rational point of view, is theresult of forces inherent in human nature. Endnotes BibliographyCrozier, B. The president, the Greek Orthodox Archbishop Makarios, is oftendescribed as a 'moderate,' but the facts are otherwise. [xxii]Ibid. Government Printing Office, 1993."Talks Continue." UN Chronicle 3 (September 1993): 46-47.Vanezis, P. Theoutcome was another set of initials: UNFICYP, or the United Nations Peace-Keeping Force in Cyprus. [xxix]Ibid. [vii]"Lack of Agreement Reported on Confidence-Building Package," UNChronicle 31 (June 1994): 31. These three structures areas follows: (1) hegemony or imperialism, in which a single powerful statedominates the lesser states in the system; (2) bipolarity, in which twopowerful states control interactions within and between their respectivespheres of influence; (3) or a balance of power in which three or morestates control one another's actions through diplomatic maneuver, shiftingalliances, and open conflict. Institutionalism embraces the systemic hypothesis. . "Moreover, as the geopolitical hub of the Levant, it isvery much in the ebb and flow of diplomacy. . The two constituentunits would enjoy considerable autonomy in administering communal affairs,and Nicosia would serve as an open capital."[xxi] With the backing ofTurkey, the government of Northern Cyprus is in a strong negotiatingposition. It envisaged a federal Government that could not encroachupon the powers and functions of the communities and a bicamerallegislature composed of a lower house with a 7 :3 ratio of Greek Cypriotsto Turkish Cypriots, and an upper house wit a 5 :5 ratio. He thus proposed that separate discussions take place in Nicosiato prepare the ground. The Cypriot Issue Since the creation in 196 of the independent nation of Cyprus, thecountry frequently has been referred to as the "reluctant republic."[iii]The ethnic division of the island's population is approximately 8 percentGreek and 2 percent Turk. Cyprus: The Unfinished Agony. In those discussions, Mr. Perez de Cuellar stated,he would again submit the "headings that had emerged from their talks as abasis for organizing the work of arriving at an agreed outline". [xvi]Ibid. Political realism does not require, nor does itcondone indifference to political ideals and moral principles, but it doesrequires a sharp distinction between the desirable and the possible.Political realism holds that universal moral principles cannot be appliedto the actions of states in their abstract universal formulation, but thatthey must be filtered through the concrete circumstances of time and place. Oncean outline was within reach, he would invite the two leaders to meet withhim to complete that task and to launch negotiations on an overallagreement.[xxvi] The Secretary General noted a general deterioration inthe atmosphere because of recent developments and an increasing sense offrustration, "not least because of the present lack of progress."[xxvii]The Secretary General was assured by the government of the United Kingdomthat, as a guarantor power in relation to Cyprus, Britain would play aconstructive role in creating conditions to facilitate a solution. Thesystemic hypothesis holds generally that the international relations policyof a given state tends to be a product of the international regime of whichit is a part. The Clerides government in Greek Cyprus was not interested in the"federal fantasy, as they saw it. Greece chose not to intervene once Turkey invadedbecause of Turkey's military superiority. S. However,it should first be ensured that such a meeting would yield the intendedresults. There seemed only one way out," in 1983,the Turkish Cypriots dropped the federal initiative and, proclaimed theindependence of Northern Cyprus under the name of the Turkish Republic ofNorthern Cyprus.[xvi] Three days later, on the initiative of the GreekRepublic of Cyprus, the UN Security Council voted for non-recognition ofthe Northern Republic. Each of these actions wasconsistent with the precepts of the theory of realism. . [xxv]Ibid. [xx]Ibid. [xix]Ibid. The Turks hit back, reportedlywith arms from Turkey. Holland, "Never, Never Land: British Colony and the Roots ofViolence in Cyprus, 195 -1954," Journal of Imperial and CommonwealthHistory 21 (1993): 148. The liberal hypothesis does not provide anadequate explanation for the Cyprus situation. Crozier, "The Forgotten Republic," National Review 47 (12 June1995): 52-53. "The Forgotten Republic." National Review 47 (12 June 1995): 52- 53.Holland, R. [xxxv]Ibid. The Republic of Cyprus was created,in part, as a compromise action. Its bucolic capital houses afull complement of well-staffed embassies, including those of the UnitedStates, France, Libya, and the Soviet Union. The new Republic that emerged in 196 was, however, "virtually still-born. [xxvi]Ibid. Realism, with an emphasis on an assessment of the costs and benefitsassociated with specific behaviors in given situations, does provide arational explanation for the behaviors of Turkey, Greece, and the twoCypriot communities. [iii]E. Cyprus is of vitalstrategic importance as the island is the site of two sizable Britishmilitary bases. Solsten, "Introduction," in E. In 1993, Glafkos Clerides, a hard-line right-winger, was electedpresident of the Republic of Cyprus.[ix] Clerides has stated hisopposition to the offers made to the Turkish Cypriot community. would be completely isolated were it notfor the Turkish communications and transportation networks that connect itto the mainland and thence to the rest of the world."[xx] Any workablereunification scheme for Cyprus will require some difficult and unpopularconcessions on the part of the Greek Cypriots, who constitute 82 percent ofthe population. . Washington: U. The great majority of Greek Cypriots long havepushed for union with Greece, while the Turkish Cypriot community hasresisted such a move with equal vigor. S. The institutionalist approach to theexplanation of the behavior of states in international relations does notadequately explain the actions of the principal actors involved in theCyprus situation. Itis not easy to justify the presence of 3 , Turkish troops in the North,especially considering that the United Nations has deployed what isarguably its most successful peacekeeping force on the island. The second image hypothesis holds contrarily that theinternational relations policy of a state tends to be a product of domesticpolitical structures and pressures. . Government Printing Office, 1993), xxi. Anyproposed settlement that does not include the departure of the bulk ofthose troops-and the majority of the post-invasion Turkish settlers-will bea nonstarter."[xxii] "Diplomatic opportunities tend to be fleeting, as the past 14 years ofmissed chances in Cyprus illustrates. Greece and Turkey generally favor the positions of their ethniccounterparts on Cyprus.[iv] When the Cypriot National Guard, led byofficers of the Greek army, staged a coup in 1974, and declared anintention to unify Cyprus with Greece, Turkey invaded Cyprus, quicklycaptured, and occupied the northern end of the island where the bulk ofTurkish Cypriots lived. [xxvii]Ibid. . The Turkishoperation was followed "by a massive transfer of populations, obligatoryfor the Greeks in the north, voluntary for the Turks from the south, infear of a Greek backlash."[xiv] In 1975, the government in Turkish occupied Northern Cyprus, underTurkey's protection, proclaimed a Turkish Cypriot Federated State.[xv]Initially, the new state did not seek international recognition. [xxxi]Ibid. [xxiv]"Security Council Endorses Secretary-General's Plan," UNChronicle 27 (December 199 ): 29-3 . Turkey's military presence in Northern Cyprus has"officially grown from 6, to 3 , . One of the most significant issues that must be settled isthe so-called "right of return" claimed by the $2 , Greek Cypriotsdisplaced from the North by the partitioning of the island. [xv]Ibid. These three factorsare the distribution of power among political coalitions, the hierarchy ofprestige among states, and the set of rights and rules that govern or atleast influence interactions among states. [iv]Ibid., xxiii. The federalrepublic would result in a "new partnership and a new constitution forCyprus" that would govern the relations of the two communities on a federalbasis that is "bi-communal as regards the constitutional aspects and bi-zonal as regard the territorial aspects."[xxxii] Further, the set of ideasincluded principles on territorial adjustments and displaced persons. On thecontrary, it is contended, they are often found in symbiotic relationshipswith one another. Proponents of the second image hypothesis (liberals) tend to discountthe dominant capacity and willingness to exercise such capacity accorded topower states in the systemic hypothesis. [xviii]A. Bothsides would also be asked separately to indicate their positions on each ofthe headings and sub-headings, with a view to completing the outline. Liberalism and institutionalism are two opposing approaches ininternational relations theory. Bothleaders, according to the Secretary General, had been presented with theset of ideas, including suggested territorial adjustments reflected in amap that map delineates two federated States in line with the criteria thata substantial number of Greek Cypriot displaced persons would be able toreturn to their homes in the area that would come under Greek Cypriotadministration. the TurkishRepublic of Northern Cyprus . Foremost among them is the looming hulk of Turkey. [ii]R. Unconfirmed whispers put the totalat closer to 13 , ."[xvii] Cyprus is not irrelevant to British interests. Vanezis, Cyprus: The Unfinished Agony (London: Abelard-Schumann, Limited, 1977), 99. [xvii]Ibid. It came in 1964 and is still there, more thanthirty years on."[xiii] The long-drawn-out conflict came to a climax on 15 July 1974, when anex-EOKA terrorist named Nicos Sampson, with the backing of the Colonels'regime then in power in Greece, overthrew Archbishop Makarios and took overthe government in Cyprus. [xxviii]"Overall Agreement on Cyprus Expected," UN Chronicle 29(December 1992): 36-37. [xxxii]Ibid. Neitherside has been willing to rise above its parochial interests for the purposeof reunification."[xix] In the absence of a Turkish agreement to thecontrary, Cyprus will remain divided. [x]B. .should not be obliged to vacate those properties in favour of a returningproprietor. Makarios declared the Agreements null and void andexpelled Turkish members of his government."[xii] One result of this unfolding of events was that, by late 1963, thesmall British peace force was "out of its depth, and in mid-February 1964,Britain referred the Cyprus problem to the UN Security Council. . Envisaged, however, was a long list of "categories of TurkishCypriots currently residing in the former homes of Greek Cypriots who . Solsten, (Ed.), Cyprus: ACountry Study (Washington: U. Turkey was faced with an imminent Greek take-over ofCyprus had it not acted. (Ed.). The set of ideas incorporated the understanding that Cyprus wasthe common home of the two communities, within the federal republic ofCyprus, and acknowledged and ensured the political equality of the twocommunities. The dominance of a single great power maycontribute to order in world politics, in particular circumstances, but itis not a sufficient condition to create and maintain such order. . BRITISH POLICY ON THE CYPRUS PROBLEM Introduction This research examines the "Cyprus Problem" which has divided theisland and defied solution.[i] The United Kingdom was a long-time colonialoccupier of the island, and remains one of the protector states along withTurkey to guarantee independence for Cyprus.[ii] British policy towardsthe Cyprus Problem is a focus of this research. The theory of politicalrealism holds that international relations is the concept of interestdefined in terms of power. [vi]"Talks Continue," UN Chronicle 3 (September 1993): 46-47. Rather,the goal of the new state was to negotiate a deal with the Greek Cypriotsfor a partition of the island into two separate, but federally linked,entities, a proposal that was supported by the government of the UnitedKingdom. [xxi]Ibid. Not only did the EOKA lose its vital underpinning, Turkey landeda military force on Cyprus beginning on 2 July 1974. Liberals contend that power is essential for theconstruction and maintenance of regimes, and accord economic power aprimary role in this context. The island is an importantlistening post, close to the sensitive trouble spots of the MiddleEast."[xviii] The major impediment to settling the Cyprus partition has been the"obduracy of the entrenched Greek-and Turkish-Cypriot leaderships. "The issue isbound to remain a live one, given that the best achievable settlement tothe Cyprus problem in the judgment of most observers is a bizonalfederation headed by a sovereign central government. Thus, inthe mid-199 s, neither the specific issue of the occupation of NorthernCyprus by Turkish military forces, nor the broader issue of the politicalstructure of Cyprus have been settled. At the end of 1963, he moved closer to the Grivasmodel, unleashing a secretly trained army of Greek and Greek Cypriotirregulars against the Turkish community. The warming of Greco-Turkishrelations, the reasonableness of" the leaders of the Turkish and GreekCypriot leaders "argue that the time is ripe to move forward. Leaders of the two communities were called uponto cooperate fully with the Secretary General on the basis of his plan ofaction and to arrive, "on an urgent basis", at an "agreed outline of anoverall agreement".[xxiv] The Secretary General was requested to makesuggestions to assist the two communities in reaching such an agreement.The parties concerned were also called on to refrain, "especially at thissensitive stage in the process", from any action or statement that couldaggravate the situation.[xxv] The Secretary General stated that he wanteda meeting with the leaders of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriotcommunities-President George Vassiliou of Cyprus and Rauf Denktash-to agreeon an outline and to launch negotiations on an overall agreement. [v]Ibid., xxi-xxii. [viii]"Secretary-General Warns of Need for Alternatives," UN Chronicle3 (December 1993): 63. It also took account of criteria concerning theterritorial adjustment required to maintain the island's coastlinecurrently controlled by Turkish Cypriots, respect traditional TurkishCypriot villages, and take into account the distribution of waterresources, and that Ercan Airport be left in the area under Turkish Cypriotadministration. R. The United Kingdom has an interest in maintaining stability on Cyprusto protect the integrity of British military bases. N. [xxiii]Ibid. Persistent efforts by the United Nations, the United Kingdom, anddirect negotiations between the two Cypriot communities, Greece, and Turkeyhave failed to resolve the issue.[vi] A United nations peace-keeping forcehas been present on Cyprus for nearly two decades.[vii] In the past, the Greeks and the Greek Cypriots have offered severalconcessions to the Turkish Cypriots; however, the Turkish Cypriots rejectsuch overtures because they do not want to be a part of a Greek Cypriotdominated government.[viii] Many in the Greek Cypriot community haveresented the offers made to the Turkish Cypriots on the grounds that suchoffers are disproportionate to the Turkish population proportion on theisland. Approximately 2 , Greek Cypriots were expelledfrom Northern Cyprus, and over the ensuing years substantial immigration toNorthern Cypress from Turkey has occurred. [ix]"One Step Back," Economist 326 (2 February 1993): 5 -51. [xxxiii]Ibid. According to the proponents ofthe systemic hypothesis, the distribution of power has, throughout history,been characterized by one of three structures. In 1992, however, the United nations Security Council was stilllooking for a solution to the Cyprus Problem, as was Britain.[xxviii] Inresolution 774 (1992), adopted unanimously, the Security Council reaffirmedits position that a Cyprus settlement must be based on "a State of Cypruswith a single sovereignty and international personality and a singlecitizenship, with its independence and territorial integrity safeguarded,and comprising two politically equal communities ... The dismantling of the British Empire was already wellunder way, but Cyprus was a tough case with some 1 , Turkish Cypriots,scattered in vulnerable enclaves, and perhaps five times as manyGreeks."[x] During the terror campaign from 1955 through 1958, hundreds of Turkswere killed and more than 3 villages destroyed by EOKA, the Greekterrorist organization.[xi] The British achieved the aim of getting out ofCyprus in 1959 after meetings with the Greek and Turkish governments, whichresulted in the London-Zurich Agreements, specifying that the two Cypriotcommunities would be the founding partners of the newly created republic. This alternative perceptionholds further that the conduct of international relations must, therefore,be realistic, must accept human nature as it actually is, and must dealwith political processes as they actually occur. Those theorists who subscribe to the systemic hypothesis(institutionalists) hold that control over or governance of theinternational system is a function of three factors. Norton, "New Hope For Unity In Cyprus," New Leader 71 (7March 1988): 7-9. Liberalism embraces the second imagehypothesis. R. These liberal proponents contendthat claims for the general validity of the theory of hegemonic stabilityare often exaggerated. Beyond that objective,the government of the United Kingdom has not attempted to intervene betweenthe two parties to any significant extent in two decades. Whatremains to be seen is whether the Greek and Turkish Cypriots can put asidethe historic enmities and venomous stereotypes that have kept them andtheir island divided for so long."[xxiii] In 199 , the United Nations Security Council reaffirmed Councilresolution 649 (199 ), which had been accepted by both sides in the CyprusProblem, and reiterated the importance they attached to an early negotiatedsettlement of the problem. [xxxiv]Ibid. London: Abelard-Schumann, Limited, 1977.----------------------- [i]P. "New Hope For Unity In Cyprus." New Leader 71 (7 March 1988): 7-9."One Step Back." Economist 326 (2 February 1993): 5 -51."Overall Agreement on Cyprus Expected." UN Chronicle 29 (December 1992): 36- 37."Secretary-General Warns of Need for Alternatives." UN Chronicle 3 (December 1993): 63."Security Council Endorses Secretary-General's Plan." UN Chronicle 27 (December 199 ): 29-3 .Solsten, E. On 23 July 1974, however, the government of theColonels in Greece came to an end as civilian rule returned in thatcountry. [xiv]Ibid. Thecontention is that hegemony and cooperation are not alternatives. The Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus was proclaimed in 1983, andcontinues to function in 1995, although the Republic of Cyprus is the onlyCypriot government with wide diplomatic recognition.[v] Turkish militaryforces remain stationed in Northern Cyprus to preserve the integrity of theTurkish Cypriot community. [xiii]Ibid. [xi]Ibid. "Ankara's deployment of more than3 , troops in the North has enabled the Turkish Cypriots to control 38per cent of the island, and the transplanting of as many as 6 , settlersfrom Anatolia has further undergirded Turkey's influence. "Never, Never Land: British Colony and the Roots of Violence in Cyprus, 195 -1954." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 21 (1993): 148-176."Lack of Agreement Reported on Confidence-Building Package." UN Chronicle 31 (June 1994): 31.Norton, A. The TurkishCypriots do not want to be governed by a Greek majority--Cypriot ormainland Greek. "Introduction." In Solsten, E. N. [xii]Ibid. British Policies Toward Cyprus In 1956, Cyprus was still a British colony, and Britain was "not eagerto hang onto it. Nevertheless, the government of Northern Cyprus has demonstrateda greater willingness to compromise than has the Greek Cypriots. in a bi-communal andbi-zonal federation."[xxix] The Security Council also reaffirmed that sucha settlement must exclude "union in whole or in part with any other countryor any form of partition or secession."[xxx] The Security Council furtherreaffirmed that the present status quo was "not acceptable" and, should noagreement emerge from the talks in October, called on the Secretary Generalto identify reasons for failure and recommend to the Council alternativecourses of action to resolve the Cyprus problem.[xxxi] In a report to theSecurity Council, the United Nations Secretary General said the set ofideas had emerged after two years of consultations with the partiesconcerned. As long as Turkey is willing to guarantee the integrity ofTurkish Northern Cypress, the actions of the Turkish Cypriots in rejectingthe overtures from the Greek Cypriots are consistent with the theory ofrealism. Cyprus: A Country Study. He gave theInterior Ministry to a known EOKA killer, Polycarpos Yorgadjis, and similarappointments followed. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.