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KOREAN ECONOMICS IN LATE 1997.
  Term Paper ID:24455
Essay Subject:
Human capital, govt. economic goals, industry, debt, development, globalization, politics, protectionism, banking, future.... More...
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Paper Abstract:
Human capital, govt. economic goals, industry, debt, development, globalization, politics, protectionism, banking, future.

Paper Introduction:
ECONOMIC SITUATION IN KOREA IN LATE-1997 Introduction This research examines the economic situation in the Republic of Korea (South Korea) in late-1997. The economic situation in Korea in late-1997 did not develop overnight, although media reports frequently imply that such is the case. Rather, the current economic situation in Korea is the product of decades of social, political, and economic policy and management. The Long-Term Development of the Problem Important social goals of successive Korean governments have been to extend meaningful education to all citizens of the country and to provide high standards of health care for all citizens. The government also has sought to improve the economic we

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[19]"Global Economy, Local Mayhem? [11]World Bank, World Development Report (New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 1995), 231. Thecountry, however, has, since the end of the Korean War, been racked withone governmental scandal after another. S. "Hanbo's Legacy." Far Eastern Economic Review 16 (27 March 1997): 29.Sohn, Y-J. "Government and Politics." In Savada, A. [24]Hughes, 89. "Asia's Different Standard." Foreign Policy 92 (Fall 1993): 24- 41."Korea." International Financial Statistics (March 1995): 24 -244.Kraar, L. Krugman, "The Myth of Asia's Miracle," Foreign Affairs 73(November-December 1994), 74. Rather, the current economic situation in Korea is theproduct of decades of social, political, and economic policy andmanagement.[1] The Long-Term Development of the Problem Important social goals of successive Korean governments have been toextend meaningful education to all citizens of the country and to providehigh standards of health care for all citizens.[2] The government also hassought to improve the economic welfare of all citizens. Because of the market distortions createdby the mix of protectionist and export incentive measures, "public servantstried to 'pick winners', usually with disastrous results. ...growth ... Shaw,(Eds.), South Korea: A Country Study (Washington: United States Army,1992), 226. Sohn, "Korean Government's Efforts for Globalization in Vain,"Business Korea 13 (June 1996): 21. Both labor dissidents and political dissidents are suppressedin Korea.[19] The Korean government invokes the National Security Law atany time it feels threatened politically.[2 ] Political human rights are slowly improving in Korea. This developmenthas caused some Korean manufacturers to consider a shift of production fromKorea to lower labor cost countries. Theseexport strategies focused on the industries wherein the relatively lowlabor costs in Korea created a competitive advantage. Korea's industrial policy provides several incentives for exportmanufacture. In the decades of the 198 s and 199 s, Korea's industrialpolicy has relied heavily on the diffusion model, whereas in the past ithad relied on the human capital model.[14] Development and Globalization Industrialization is developing at a rapid pace in Korea. [3]Seekins, 96. Krugman, "On the Relationship Between Trade Theory and LocationTheory," Review of International Economics 1 (1993), 11 . South Korea: A Country Study. Quantitative restriction and tariffexemptions were the only measures that were effective and did not createadditional major distortions to those already present because ofprotection."[24] The trade and industrial policy environment created bythese policies was inefficient. Washington: United States Army, 1992, 67-134.Shaw, W. While thisimprovement appears to be painfully slow, such an assessment is made withina Western perspective of political values. The industrialsector recorded the greatest growth in terms of both GDP and labor forceuse. Korea's Future The Economist observed that few countries have grown as fasteconomically as had Korea.[46] The International Monetary Fund hasapproved a $61 billion bail-out package that, if fully implemented, willreturn Korea to the status of a developing country with high unemploymentand foreign (United States and Japan) economic domination. [1 ]L. Krugman, "Dutch Tulips and Emerging Markets," Foreign Affairs 74(July-August 1995), 28. Korea is in the last stage of ascending to OECDmembership. Conversely, he contends that increasing returns in someindustries may inhibit the transfer of resources elsewhere. Krugman has argued that the limits of economic growth based onpolicies such as those discussed above have largely been reached byKorea.[4 ] In fact, however, Korea did revise some of its economicpolicies to make more productive use of technology so that economic growthmay continue.[41] Korea has adopted economic policies that, among other outcomes, willlead to the deregulation of that country's financial sector.[42] (Lee,1996, pp. "Why Have East Asian Countries Led Economic Development?" Economic Record 71(March 1995), 88-1 4.Hunter, B. Total grossexternal liabilities for Korea at the end of 1988 approximated US$43billion. Per capitaincome reached US$1 , in South Korea in 1995. "The Myth of Asia's Miracle." Foreign Affairs 73 (November- December 1994), 62-78.Krugman, P. Washington: United States Army, 1992, 135-196.Mi-young, A. South Korea: A Country Study. [2 ]F. The services sector recorded moremoderate growth, and, in the 199 s, 37 percent of the labor force accountedfor 45 percent of the GDP. The economic situation in Korea in late-1997did not develop overnight, although media reports frequently imply thatsuch is the case. 2 (199 ): S12-S37.Brohman, J. Official exchangerates were supported by market interventions to keep down the value of theexchange rate buoyed by high protection and periodic bouts of inflationresulting from public investment in 'strategic' industries."[3 ] Urged on by the chaebol lobbyists and "also aware of the possibilitiesof exploitation of the highly protected domestic markets," the Koreangovernment prohibited inflows of private direct foreign investment.[31]"Domestic firms were encouraged to borrow from foreign suppliers' creditsources and banks, distorting the economy by favouring the purchase ofimported, rather than locally produced, capital goods."[32] As aconsequence, Korea ended up with the "most distorted financial system inthe region, but the political pressures of relations with North Korea alsoimposed short lead times on capital earnings, a demand for highprofitability and high public and private savings and investment."[33] The Korean government has used its ownership of all major commercialbanks, as well as a comprehensive system of trade controls and industriallicensing, to shape decisions concerning investment and production in theKorean economy. Essentially,Krugman argues that countries such as Korea and Taiwan, while achievinghigh levels of economic growth through massive but non replicable resourceinputs, have not figured out how to efficiently use the gains from thiseconomic growth.[45] His contention is that, because Korea did not divertthe gains from economic growth into productivity improvements, futureeconomic growth will not occur, as input-driven growth has reached itszenith. More often, however, the result hasbeen a drive for higher productivity through a move away from labor-intensive manufacturing practices. This industrial policy must be continually refined, as some of themajor industrial countries targeted for Korea's exports adjust, at least tosome extent, to a so-called post-industrial environment. M., and Shaw, W. [4]R. Among these incentives are tax reductions, ready access tocredit, subsidized interest rates, foreign loan guarantees, and directsubsidies. As Kausikan pointed-out, many Asian populations value orderand stability far more than they value the right to act on individualconvictions.[21] The collectivist approach to societal functioning whereinthe welfare of the whole is considered to be supreme to the rights of theindividual is strong in Korea. Shaw, (Eds.),South Korea: A Country Study (Washington: United States Army, 1992), 143. These changes in economic policy are a part of Korea'seffort to become a member of the Organization for Economic Cooperation andDevelopment (OECD). growth, one finds little left to explain. In one context, globalization has been the driving force inshifting production from more developed industrial economies to industrialoperations in Korea. [45]Krugman, 12 . "The Scope and Limits of Financial Liberalization in Developing Countries: A Critical Survey." Journal of Development Studies 3 (April 1994), 578-628."Global Economy, Local Mayhem? In time theinefficiency of the system, combined with (justified) threats ofcountervailing duties by industrial countries, began to make tradeliberalization imperative in ... In the structure employed by the World Bank, Korea isgrouped in the upper middle income sub-classification of the middle-incomeeconomies classification, along with such countries as Argentina, Brazil,Greece, Hong Kong, Mexico, Singapore, South Africa, and 16 others.[11] Real per capita gross national product (GNP) in Korea grew at anaverage annual rate of 9.8 percent during the 198 s.[12] Although this rateof growth was higher than that recorded in the 197 s, it is of even greatersignificance because it proceeded from a much higher base point. [35]P. Credit rate ceilings led tocredit rationing with subsidies to a favoured dozen conglomerates-thechaebol-through the State owned banks. The explanations offered by these economists of how economicgrowth has been achieved by Korea have emphasized the relationship betweeneconomic policies and economic growth.[38] Korea adopted polices thatemphasized exports at the expense of current domestic consumption. "Entry into production waslimited to prevent the fragmentation of economies of scale, price controlsthen had to be imposed to avoid the ensuing exploitation of monopolisticdomestic markets and credit and tax subsidies were used to offset otherregulatory distortions. North Korea represents less a danger to theRepublic of Korea than do the economic sharks of Japan and the UnitedStates. Korea has become less dependent on agriculture, as the country'seconomy has shifted to industries that produce everything from steel andships to automobiles and aircraft.[43] (Halloran, 1996, p. The growing labor strife in Korea is a threat to itscontinued economic progress. Savadaand W. S. [27]Hughes, 9 . Kraar, "Asia's Hot New Growth Triangle," Fortune 126 (5 October1992): 136. M. In Korea, however, dissidents perceive thatthe government and the corporations are not acting from a collectivistapproach, but rather are acting primarily in their own interests. Protectionist Policies and Favoritism Although Korea was one of the "four little tigers," the government washeavily protectionist (non tariff and tariff barrier) protection andexperienced periodic balance of payments crises.[22] Political support forimport substituting policies by manufacturing and ideological lobby groupsmade it all but impossible for the Korean government to dismantle tradebarriers. [33]Hughes, 97. Sub-contracting spread from clothing, where smallenterprises had traditionally filled out fluctuations in demand for theoutput of large firms by using family and other 'informal' labourintensively, to other industries. A., Jr. The industrial growth was essential to supportthe country's industrial policy emphasizing the export of manufacturedproducts.[15] Per capita gross domestic product reached US$8,843 in1994.[16] Globalization has played a major role in the economic development ofKorea. New York: Macmillan Press, 1997.Kausikan, B. In the 199 s, the 27 percent of the labor force used in industry wasresponsible for 42 percent of the GDP. The assumption of a relationship between human capital and economicgrowth is based on observations that indicate that growth in investment inschooling grow much more rapidly than gross investment in physical capital,and that growth in years of schooling explains approximately 25 percent ingrowth in per capita income in Korea.[6] The theoretical justification forthe assumed relationship between earnings and educational attainment isbased on the concept of differential pricing for educational attainment.Higher levels of formal educational attainment are held to increase thevalue of the human capital possessed and offered by the individual. Krugman, "Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession," ForeignAffairs 73 (March-April 1994), 35. "Human Capital, Fertility, and Economic Growth." Journal of Political Economy 98, Pt. "Korean Government's Efforts for Globalization in Vain." Business Korea 13 (June 1996): 21-22.Treadgold, M. [18]W. "Competitiveness: A Dangerous Obsession." Foreign Affairs 73 (March-April 1994), 28-44.Krugman, P. Thus, in the earlyyears of this export-led growth, labor intensive industries were thevehicles of growth. Korea's external debt places heavy pressure on the country's economicmanagers to retain the emphasis on exports. Exportemphasis, however, is an integral component of the country's industrialpolicy. World Development Report. [26]Hughes, 9 . M., and Shaw, W. seems to be driven by extraordinary growth in inputs like laborand capital rather than by gains in efficiency."[35] Importantly, Krugmancontended that Korea and Taiwan, for the most part, has exhausted thegrowth potential of the policies that they have followed for the past threedecades because the commitments of labor and capital that generated thegrowth attained cannot be repeated.[36] According the Krugman, theupgrading the quality of the labor force through education is virtuallycomplete, and the combination of high savings rates and deferredconsumption have reached reasonable limits in Korea.[37] To be sure, this position has many detractors among professionaleconomists. The ranks of industrial workers also have grown rapidly.Women in Korea, however, continue to be denied equal opportunity inemployment.[4] Korea has relied heavily on the development of human capital througheducation. (Eds.). Murphy, "Human Capital, Fertility, andEconomic Growth," Journal of Political Economy 98, Pt. "Postwar Development in the Asian NICs: Does the Neoliberal Model Fit Reality?" Economic Geography 72 (April 1996), 1 7-13 .Ching, F. Although Korean growth most often has been described interms of industrialization, services and agriculture, mining, and othersectors of the economy of Korea had to grow alongside industry. Gibson and E. A decade ofpolicies to stimulate small and medium sized businesses has failed tooffset the distortions created by financial repression. Krugman's argument is based largely on a refutation of the concept ofcomparative advantage in international trade in favor of an emphasis on thepervasive presence of increasing returns.[44] He contends that diminishingreturns may mean that the resources released by trade will not necessarilybe employed in other sectors, so that there is a real possibility ofabsolute loss. Once one accounts for the role ofrapidly growing inputs in ... [29]Hughes, 97. S. [28]Hughes, 9 . Periods ofinflation had to be followed by currency devaluations. (Eds.). Macroeconomic stability, together with high rates of savings andinvestment, also contributed substantially to the economic growth attainedby Korea.[39] According to this argument, macroeconomic stability has beenessential to maintaining intra-sectoral and inter-sectoral balances in theeconomy of Korea. Hunter, (Ed.), The Statesman's Year-Book, 1997-1998 (New York:Macmillan Press, 1997), 8 . [7]B. The Bank of Korea lowered its reserverequirement ratio in April 1996, while the Ministry of Finance and theEconomy eased foreign exchange controls. Hughes, "Why Have East Asian Countries Led EconomicDevelopment?" Economic Record 71(March 1995), 89. In 1995, Korea's economy grew bynine-percent (real GNP), and the growth projection (real GNP) for all of1996 is 7.5 percent. M. An informal financial system wasnot permitted to develop, starving small and medium firms. 2 (199 ): S13. The OECD recommended that Korea reform its financialsystem to strengthen links between the country's segmented market andglobal financial markets. (Ed.). Growthhas continued in the 199 s, although some of Korea's major corporationshave been forced to near bankruptcy.[13] A major area of concern for Korea is external debt. [5]G. [25]Hughes, 89. (Eds.). Simultaneously, the Korean government has encouraged thegrowth of huge family-owned conglomerates (the chaebol), as opposed toforeign-owned industries.[34] Assessment of Korea's Economic Situation Krugman recognized the impressive economic growth achieved by Korea,however, he held that this growth has occurred "in large part through anastonishing mobilization of resources. Treadgold, "Macroeconomic Management," Asian-Pacific EconomicLiterature (199 ), 134. Brohman, "Postwar Development in the Asian NICs: Does theNeoliberal Model Fit Reality?" Economic Geography 72 (April 1996), 115. [38]Hughes, 92. The underlying assumption of this modelis that, as economic development depends on advances in technological andscientific knowledge, development presumably depends on the accumulation ofhuman capital. Korea eventually introduced protection offsets in the form of"quantitative restriction and tariff exemptions and drawbacks on inputsinto exports to make production for world markets feasible."[23] Koreaalso introduced extensive and complex mercantilist export incentives,"including privileged access to domestic monopolistic markets, tax'holidays' and credit subsidies to make incentives to exporters even withthose for domestic producers. [31]Hughes, 97. [16]Hunter, 795. During the decade of the 198 s, South Korea emerged as a middle-industrial power. [23]Hughes, 89. [22]H. "The Society and Its Environment." In Savada, A. The country is served by almost 5 , physicians and by almost7, doctors of oriental medicine. Metraux, "The Economy," in A. Increased prosperity for workers hasalso led to a greater demand for domestic consumption, which has, in turn,caused some manufacturers to devote increased emphasis to the domesticKorean market. M., and Shaw, W. Washington: United States Army, 1992, 197-266.Shin, J. Halloran, "The Rising East," Foreign Policy (Spring 1996), 8. [6]Becker and Murphy, S13. "Korean Women: Playing Catch-Up." Business Korea 13 (April 1996): 9.Seekins, D. [15]World Bank, 247. "Soul-Searching in Seoul: Despite Progress on Human rights, Problems Remain." Far Eastern Economic Review 157 (22 September 1994): 4 ."The End of the Miracle." Economist 345 (29 November 1997), 21.Gibson, H. D. Ching, "Soul-Searching in Seoul: Despite Progress on Humanrights, Problems Remain," Far Eastern Economic Review 157 (22 September1994): 4 . South Korea: A Country Study. Rioting Strikers in South Korea,France, Argentina, and Elsewhere Are Not A Sign That 'Globalization' Is Adisaster," Economist 342 (18 January 1997): 16; "National Insecurity,"Economist 331 (14 May 1994): 38. Savada and W. The nation generally has failed in this effort, however, becauseof the unwillingness of the Korean government to open itself to publicscrutiny.[8] Major economic goals of the Korean government are to continue theimprovement in the economic welfare of the nation's citizens, to make thenation self-sufficient economically, and to raise Korea to the status of anindustrial (developed) nation.[9] Unlike the major industrial firms inJapan, Korea's major industrial firms have tended to exploit the country'sworkers, as opposed to providing them with the long-term security andacceptance found in the Japanese model.[1 ] One consequence of thisapproach has been the development in Korea of acrimonious relations betweenlabor and management. [3 ]Hughes, 97. [41]H. A. Bibliography"A Fatal Resolve Not to Budge." Economist 345 (22 November 1997), 83-84.Becker, G. "The Rising East." Foreign Policy (Spring 1996), 3-21-23.Hughes, H. "Asia's Hot New Growth Triangle." Fortune 126 (5 October 1992): 136-138, 191.Krugman, P. Economic Situation in Korea in Late-1997 Introduction This research examines the economic situation in the Republic of Korea(South Korea) in late-1997. [13]J. While dissidence is strong inKorea, dissatisfaction with the political environment is far from beingwidespread. M. These political scandals, however,have not impeded the country's social and economic development.[18] The major human rights abuse in Korea is the suppression ofdissidents. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Developmenthas severely criticized the Korean government for its labor laws and laborpolicies. [2]D. The largestshift is away from agriculture, in terms of both GDP and labor force.Labor remains disproportionately heavy in agriculture, with 36 percent ofthe labor force accounting for only 13 percent of the GDP. "Going Forth to Multiply: If Seoul Has Its Way, South Korean eyes Will Be Turned firmly on the Outside World for Opportunity." Asian Business (Hong Kong) 31 (June 1995): 28-3 ."National Insecurity." Economist 331 (14 May 1994): 38.Richards, R. Shaw, "Government and Politics," in A. Becker and K. [44]P. The remaining funds that the country requires could be realizedthrough a massive reduction in the country's military spending. L. Employment grew in services such as foodpreparation and retail trade, substantially increasing domesticmarkets."[27] Korea built "strategically located export processing zoneswhere trade and industrial policies could be made more neutral than in therest of the country, particularly for foreign investors."[28] Macroeconomic stabilization has proved to be a difficult objective forKorea. [42]C. "The Economy." In Savada, A. "On the Relationship Between Trade Theory and Location Theory." Review of International Economics 1 (1993), 11 -12 .Lee, C. Tsakalotos, "The Scope and Limits of FinancialLiberalization in Developing Countries: A Critical Survey," Journal ofDevelopment Studies 3 (April 1994), 578. "Follow the Club Rules." Banker 146 (July 1996), 65-67.Metraux, D. M. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995.----------------------- [1]"A Fatal Resolve Not to Budge," Economist 345 (22 November 1997),83. [12]"Korea," International Financial Statistics (March 1995): 24 -244. In yet another context, however, globalization hasprovided Korea's major corporations with opportunities to become majorplayers on the global scene.[17] Political Discord in Korea Korea is a republic with a democratically elected government. Increasingcentral government deficits, together with the external debt problem,indicate that the country will continue to rely heavily on high taxation inthe 1996-1999 time period, and that any faltering in the level of exportswill likely prove to be devastating. Mi-young, "Going Forth to Multiply: If Seoul Has Its Way, SouthKorean eyes Will Be Turned firmly on the Outside World for Opportunity,"Asian Business (Hong Kong) 31 (June 1995): 28. Richards, Jr. Korea, but the lobbies created by theprotectionist and mercantilist incentives made reforms extremely painfuland slow."[25] The distortions made by protectionist policies and export incentivesled to demands for increasingly complicated industrial policies to countermonopolistic trends created by protection. "Dutch Tulips and Emerging Markets." Foreign Affairs 74 (July- August 1995), 28-44.Krugman, P. Shin, "Hanbo's Legacy," Far Eastern Economic Review 16 (27March 1997): 29. 8). In this approach, the concept of human capital is substitutedfor a raw population variable.[5] In this model, human capital is definedas embodied knowledge and skills. TheRepublic of Korea should rid itself of its expensive and insupportablefixation on North Korea. Of that amount, 57.2 percent represented public debt. In the face of rising domesticexpectations, this task becomes more difficult politically. Korea has attempted to gain recognition and acceptance in a globalcontext. The most recent economic events in Korea lend credence toKrugman's analysis. [4 ]P. Because offsets to protection worked to somedegree," Korea was able to expand the variety and quantity of theirexports.[26] The "export drive coincided with rapid demand growth inindustrial countries that followed trade liberalization and per capitaincome growth. Korea's Industrial Policy Although the Korean government cooperates with industry in efforts tokeep labor unions as ineffective as is possible, wage levels and employeebenefits increased significantly in the 198 s and 199 s. "Macroeconomic Management." Asian-Pacific Economic Literature (199 ), 134-149.World Bank. [9]D. Military expenditures are an important component of the Koreangovernment budget, and money-losing State-owned enterprises have "provedimpossible to reign in," which has led budget deficits.[29] The Koreangovernment has "severely repressed the financial system to be able toborrow domestically to subsidize the budget. Savada and W. [46]"The End of the Miracle," Economist 345 (29 November 1997), 21. L. [8]Y-J. A middle-class has emerged in Korea as the country has developedrapidly since the end of the Korean War.[3] The professional andmanagerial classes in Korea are relevant in the contemporary period, as arebusiness owners. Shaw, (Eds.), South Korea: A Country Study (Washington: UnitedStates Army, 1992), 97, 128. Korea also has performed well in relation to public health.[7] (Hunter8 ). [36]P. "Korean Women: Playing Catch-Up," Business Korea13 (April 1996): 9. Seekins, "The Society and Its Environment," in A. [34]J. [39]M. Lee, "Follow the Club Rules," Banker 146 (July 1996), 65. By 2 , South Koreaanticipates a per capita income of US$2 , . [21]B. M. M. D., and Tsakalotos, E. [43]R. [32]Hughes, 97. S., and Murphy, K. M. The Statesman's Year-Book, 1997-1998. [14]Metraux, 157-158. 65-67). [37]Krugman, 31. Rioting Strikers in South Korea, France, Argentina, and Elsewhere Are Not A Sign That 'Globalization' Is A disaster." Economist 342 (18 January 1997): 16-17.Halloran, R. Kausikan, "Asia's Different Standard," Foreign Policy 92 (Fall1993): 26. [17]A. Korea would bewiser to ask for an accept less monetary support with less stringsattached.

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