A 

Abortion
Accounting
Advertising
Africa
African-American Studies
Aging
Agriculture
American Indian Studies
Anthropology
Archaeology
Architecture
Argumentative
Art: Artists (Alphabetized)
Art: General
Become an Affiliate and Earn $$$
Biographies (Alphabetized)
Book Reviews (Non-Fiction) (Alphabetized)
Business: Companies (Alphabetized)
Business: General
Business: Industries (Alphabetized)
Business: International
Business: Small
California
Canada
Caribbean
Child Abuse
China
Communication: Journalism
Communication: Language & Speech
Communication: Media
Communication: Non-Verbal
Communication: Television
Communication: Television & Children
Communism
Computer Science
Consumerism
Criminal Justice: General
Criminal Justice: Juvenile Delinquency
Criminal Justice: Police Science
Criminal Justice: Prisons
Cuba
Death & Dying: Euthanasia
Death & Dying: General
Death & Dying: Suicide
Drama: American
Drama: English
Drama: World
Drugs: Alcohol
Drugs: General
Economics: Banking
Economics: Economists (Alphabetized)
Economics: General
Economics: Inflation
Economics: International Trade
Economics: Macroeconomics
Economics: Microeconomics
Economics: Taxation
Education: Administration
Education: Curriculum
Education: General
Education: Higher
Education: Physical
Education: Psychology
Education: Reading
Education: Special
Education: Teaching Methods
Education: Theory
Energy: General
Energy: Nuclear
Energy: Solar
Environmental Studies
Evolution
Family & Marriage
Films: Artists (Alphabetized)
Films: General
Finance: Companies (Alphabetized)
Finance: General
Former Soviet Union: Post-1990
France
Gender & Sexuality
Geography
Germany
History: Ancient Greek & Roman
History: European
History: Great Britain
History: U.S. (After 1865)
History: U.S. (Before 1865)
History: U.S. Presidency
History: U.S. Presidents (Alphabetized)
Homosexuality
Immigration
India
Indonesia
International Relations: Arms Control
International Relations: Cold War
International Relations: Non-U.S.
International Relations: U.S.
Japan
Jewish Studies
Korea
Labor
Latin America
Law: Business
Law: Capital Punishment
Law: General
Law: International & Non-U.S.
Law: Supreme Court
Leadership
Literature, American: Authors (Alphabetized)
Literature, American: Faulkner
Literature, American: Fitzgerald
Literature, American: General
Literature, American: Hawthorne
Literature, American: Hemingway
Literature, American: Melville
Literature, American: Poe
Literature, American: Steinbeck
Literature, American: Twain
Literature, English: Authors (Alphabetized)
Literature, English: Chaucer
Literature, English: Conrad
Literature, English: Dickens
Literature, English: General
Literature, English: Joyce
Literature, English: Lawrence
Literature, English: Shakespeare
Literature, English: Swift
Literature, General: Children
Literature, General: Classic (Greek & Roman)
Literature, General: Russian
Literature, General: World
Management: General
Management: Japanese
Management: Motivation
Management: Theory
Management: Women
Marketing: Companies (Alphabetized)
Marketing: General
Marketing: Plans
Mathematics
Medical: Aids
Medical: Dentistry
Medical: Diseases & Disorders (Alphabetized)
Medical: General
Medical: Nursing
Mexican-American Studies
Mexico
Middle East: Egypt
Middle East: General
Middle East: O.P.E.C.
Military
Music: Classical
Music: General
Mythology
Nutrition
Parapsychology/Occult
Philosophy: Ancient Greek
Philosophy: Descartes
Philosophy: Eastern
Philosophy: General
Philosophy: Kant
Philosophy: Sartre
Poetry: American
Poetry: English
Poetry: Milton
Poetry: World
Political Science: Elections & Campaigns
Political Science: Foreign
Political Science: Lobbyists & Pressure Groups
Political Science: Machiavelli
Political Science: Mill
Political Science: Political Theory
Political Science: U.S.
Psychology: Behaviorism
Psychology: Child & Adolescent
Psychology: Disorders
Psychology: Dreams
Psychology: Experimental
Psychology: Freud
Psychology: General
Psychology: Jung
Psychology: Physiology
Psychology: Piaget
Psychology: Rogers
Psychology: Social
Psychology: Testing
Psychology: Therapies
Public Administration: General
Public Administration: Government Agencies (Alphabetized)
Racism
Real Estate
Recreation & Leisure
Religion: Eastern
Religion: General
Religion: Islam
Religion: The Bible
Research: Completed Studies (With Statistics & Results)
Research: Designs & Proposals
Research: Statistics & Methodology
Russia: Pre-1917 Revolution
Science: Astronomy
Science: Biology
Science: General
Science: Genetics
Sociology: Durkheim
Sociology: General
Sociology: Marx
Sociology: Social Problems
Sociology: Social Theory
Sociology: Social Welfare
Sociology: Weber
Soviet Union: 1917-1990
Sports: Drugs
Sports: General
Technology
Transportation: Automotive
Transportation: Aviation
Transportation: General
Transportation: Railroads
Urban Studies
Vietnam
Women Studies
 

SOUTH KOREAN ECONOMICS & POLITICS.   Term Paper ID:24582 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Examines post-WWII modernization, colonial heritage, military rule, authoritarian national policies, economic & political development & liberalization; compared to Taiwan & Latin Amer.... More...

20 Pages / 4500 Words 24 sources, 78 Citations, APA Format $80.00 Return to List of Papers

Paper Abstract: Examines post-WWII modernization, colonial heritage, military rule, authoritarian national policies, economic & political development & liberalization; compared to Taiwan & Latin Amer. Paper Introduction: ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND POLITICAL DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH KOREA This research paper discusses the following topics: (1) the process through which South Korea modernized itself economically and politically in the post-World War II period and became the 11th largest economy, especially the expanded role of the state in directing and otherwise fostering economic development; (2) the interrelationship between national economic policy and economic progress in providing a framework within which political power could be shared more broadly --i.e. Asian democracy, Korean style; and (3) the prospects and challenges facing South Korea as it seeks to consolidate its economic gains, maintain political stability and achieve other social goals. As appropriate, comparisons are drawn between the experience of South Korea and those of other industrializing countries, including Taiwan and Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. Since then, withthe East Asian meltdown, South Korea has suffered slowing demand for itsexports, a string of bankruptcies of large companies, currency weakness andhigher inflation which led it in 1997 to seek a $55 billion stabilizationloan from the International Monetary Fund. The military rulers of South Korea and Taiwan faced lesser pressuresand were able to solve them for a long time despite sporadic, albeitmassive opposition. 2 7). (1995, Summer). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books. 44).By the late 197 s, South Korea was headed into turbulent economic waters.The regime decided to move into a second stage of industrialization, thedeepening into heavy industries such as autos, chemicals and shipbuilding,which led to heavy foreign borrowings, excess capacity, greaterconcentration of industry and hyper inflation. Haggard & Kaufman (1995) say that Taiwanhas "pursued a smoother, more gradual path of industrial upgrading" and"moved more steadily toward the liberalization and deregulation of thedomestic market," (pp. 4. In G. Others like Kim Dae Jung arguethat democracy in Asia is supported by a "rich heritage of democracy-oriented philosophies and traditions" (Sang-Jin, 1995, pp. 1996, p.21 ; Haggard & Kaufman, 1995, p. Korean economic development: miracleor mirage? 325). The political economy of the new Asianindustrialism. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 236). E.M. Wyman (Eds.). In South Korea, forexample, foreign direct investment in 1979-182 was only $6 million a yearvs. Choi says thatthe Korean War (195 -1953) was "a decisive turning point" [which] gave thestate an ideological basis [anti-communism] for building its legitimacy"and greatly strengthened the power of the military (1993, p. . In commenting on the labor unrest of thelate 198 s, E. 45; Evans, 1987, p.21 ). As Koo puts it: "Few societies . Przworski. 49). In commenting on Korean politics, Pye says:"Koreans have a way of accumulating frustrations so that the potential forangry explosions is always present when things no longer go well[producing] explosive reactions against the failure of paternalisticauthority" (1988, pp. South Korea's progress compares favorably with the experience ofother newly industrializing nations (NICs) in Latin America and elsewherein the Third World, but it developed out of the unique conditions presentin South Korea and is not necessarily a model for other nations to follow.In fact, the prospects for economic and political modernization in SouthKorea are somewhat problematical because of the imbalances in its patternof economic development, the volatile nature of South Korea politics andthe weaknesses of some of its political institutions. Koo, H. TheJapanese also installed the rudiments of a modern state bureaucracy. Since South Korea was a major source of rice for Japan, theJapanese occupation, according to Haggard & Moon (1993), also improvedagricultural productivity, "expanded Korea's infrastructure . Cummings (1987)even goes so far as to say that "in both countries the export-led programwas decided by the United States" (The origins, p. He argued that "political instability was a major causeof poverty and rampant corruption . Many writers on democratic development point to the crucialimportance of the middle class in mediating between the demands ofdifferent elements of society. Political divisions in Latin American society during the periodunder study were much more pronounced than in East Asia and producedfragmenting and polarizing effects which paralyzed economic policy decision-making. . Kim (1996) described it as "not acomprehensive, but a limited authoritarian state" (p. The South Korean government has tended to rely more heavilyon direct state intervention and large businesses, whereas KMT operatedsomewhat more indirectly through incentives and controls over the privatesector and its encouragement of small and medium-sized firms. (1988). Princeton: Princeton University Press. Kim says that "tensions[arose] from the competition between the state and business in theprovision of certain services" (1996, p. AsianPerspective, 12, 35-68. . Both suffered under Japaneseoccupation, Taiwan since 1895, and inherited some infrastructure,bureaucratic training and highly authoritarian political structures. China's one China policy hangs like a dark cloud over thepolitical future of Taiwan, the economy of which is becoming much moreinter-related with China's than is the case with South Korea. SouthKorea's longest period of economic expansion occurred under military rule(1961-1987) in which a combination of state-sponsored export-led growth andrepressive policies toward labor and other dissident groups produced a veryhigh rate of economic growth combined with periodic outbreaks of politicalturmoil; (4) economic growth engendered demands for broader participationin politics, weakened the authority of the state and produced after manycrises genuine progress toward electoral democratization but lessimpressive social reforms; and (5) the prospects for political stability,the continuation of democratic reforms and social progress may be inquestion because of the economic uncertainties facing the nation and thepossibility that further economic liberalization will retard and to someextent conflict with further political and social advances. andestablished the beginnings of modern capitalist enterprises" (p. 33). (1993, Winter). Theory and Society, 2 , 485-5 . 31). 44-83). (199 , October). 216). For example, in discussing Argentina,Barrett & Chin say that "economic decisions . M., 1996, p. Class, state, and dependence in East Asia: Lessonsfor Latin Americanists. In F. [which] canreduce the frustrations and conflicts resulting from inequality or othersocial cleavages" (Haggard & Kaufman, 1995, p. Itchose economic growth (1993, p. (1987). Impelled in part by national security concerns and the cessation ofAmerican economic aid, Park instituted a mixed system of central economicplanning and industrial export expansion, which was first concentrated inlight labor-intensive industries, an economy which Koo (1987) said was "oneof the capitalist world's most tightly supervised economy" (p. Some Comparisons South Korea and Taiwan. 212). . (1987). South Korea has a predominantly authoritarian political tradition.Economic growth has generated conditions favorable to political andeconomic liberalization. Conclusion Under authoritarian rule, South Korea embarked on a remarkablysuccessful program of economic development which eventually ushered in anera of political liberalization and at least the outward forms ofdemocracy. J. Political regimes and developmentstrategies: South Korea and Taiwan. The middle class, which haddefected from the opposition movement, by and large supported thedemonstrators, thus threatening the legitimacy of the government. For example,American pressures on Rhee and on Chiang for land reform helped ensure thatgrowth would be less painful and more broadly-based. Cheng, T. History suggests, as Haggard & Kaufman point out: "with someimportant exceptions, such as India, very poor countries tend to beauthoritarian; very rich countries are overwhelmingly democratic" (1995, p.27). 61). 2 7-23 ). Cummings noted thatthe export-oriented industrialization drive was made possible by the"exclusion of labor, exploitation of women, and low state expenditures onsocial welfare" (The origins, 1987, p. $2.2 billion a year in Brazil (Evans, 1987, p. Kaufman. 232). In G. 6). 216). Long-termnet foreign capital flows to South Korea increased from $98 million in 1961-1965 to $2, 27 billion in 1976-198 (Stallings, 199 , p. (199 ). American Occupation and Rule by Rhee After the Korean peninsula was divided at the 38th Parallel in 1945,South Korea found itself with little industry, almost all of which was inNorth Korea, and no natural resources other than its people and itsagriculture. 176). Park fora long time was able to hold the ROK military and business solidly behindhis regime. Barrett & Chinreport that multi-national corporations (MNCs) "have played a lessextensive role in Asian NICS than in industrializing Latin Americancountries" and the Asian NICs were less dependent on foreign aid (1987, pp.18 & 37). . Summarizing the events of 1985-1987,Haggard & Kaufman say "an increasingly divided authoritarian governmentcapitulated under pressure from highly mobilized social groups" (1995, p.94). 172). 79). According to Pereira et al., thetypical IMF austerity package of structural reforms "entails a reduction indemand . Haggard, S. Bothcountries adopted temporarily import substitution strategies in the 195 sand when they ran into trouble, switched to export strategies with Americansupport. Strong, well-disciplined authoritarian regimes,such as in Chile and South Korea, have been able to defuse potentialthreats to their regimes for long periods of time. Park combined a pervasive system of political repression which E. Thereadings suggest that nationalistic politics played a major role in theadoption of these strategies and in explaining why domestic groups whichbenefitted from those policies were reluctant to permit their governmentsto change course. Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress. 41). According to Haggard& Kaufman, the theory is that "the diffusion of skills and organizationalresources associated with high levels of economic development expands therange of groups with capacities to influence politics" (1995, p. Asian Survey, XXXV, 357-366. 299). South Koreastill faces a threat from North Korea, but depending on developments there,and with American and Japanese support, should be able to maintain itsindependence. Kim argues that in Korea the developmental state was inherentlyunstable because its objective, economic growth, was attained and,therefore, it was "no longer needed" (1996, p. 7 ). 296). GDP actually fell in 198 by3.7 per cent percent due to rising oil prices and sluggish export demanddue to a world-wide recession (Pyo, 1993, Winter, p. M., 1996, p. 51-94). 21). 78). What will happen in times of economic constraint?Haggard & Kaufman say that "poor economic progress weakens democratic rulewhen other institutional and political weaknesses are present" (1995, p.327). During the immediate post-war period,international factors largely undermined economic growth and retardedpolitical liberalization but some progress on both fronts was achievedduring the First Republic of President Syngman Rhee (1948-196 ). Park's authoritarian statethrottled opposition to its economic policies. 2. C. Koo (1987) points out that there were manysimilarities in the histories of South Korea and Taiwan before theyembarked on successful, state-sponsored export-led industrializationstrategies in the early 196 s (p. The origins and development of the NortheastAsia political economy: Industrial sectors, product cycles, and politicalconsequences. & D. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Maravall & A. 171). L. as civil society has become potentially strengthened in the process of socioeconomic modernization, the disjunction between institutionalized politics . In F. (1995, April). Haggard & Moon say that the Korean War produced "a new commercialclass," and land reforms weakened the power of the landlords, thus removingone barrier to industrialization (1993, p. 142). Evans, P. .export markets were relatively open to South Korean goods and there werefew competitors from other Third World nations" (Kim, E. The regime held together, partly because themiddle class which had supported student and working class demonstratorssubsequently threw its support to the regime. Relevance of the State of Economic Development to Democracy Seymour Lipset is credited with the theory that political democracyis the inevitable consequence of economic development. Totalitarian states,such as Nazi Germany, were able to use economic recovery as an excuse forpolitical repression. In South KoreaKoo says that there is "an inherent tension between the working classes andthe mainstream middle class" (1991, August, p. Both developed hyper-militarized regimes. K. Barrett & Chin cite as a measure of inequalitythe Gini coefficients which fell from .46 in 1961 to .3 in 198 in Taiwanand rose in South Korea from .34 in 1964 to .38 in 1976 (1987, p. Exports increased from $55million in 1962 to $24 billion in 1983 (Koo, 199 , October, p. 139-178).Princeton: Princeton University Press. Middle classes, democratization, and classformation: the case of South Korea. 239). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books. Ineconomic and political crises, the South Korean military and the leaders ofKMT proved to be more cohesive and disciplined than their counterparts inArgentina and Brazil, where the army was more politicized (Haggard &Kaufman, 1995, p. K. SamuelHuntington argued in 1991 that "the interaction of economic progress andAsian culture appears to have generated a distinctively East Asian varietyof democratic institutions" (Sang-Jin, 1995, p. 7 ). L. 8). (1995). Deyo (Ed.), The political economy of the new Asianindustrialism (pp. South Korea and Taiwan Contrasted with Latin America. & G. The state, politics, and economicdevelopment in postwar South Korea. . Cummings, B. Koo, H. . Popular discontent, however, welled up in the mid-198 s.The government's decision, under American pressure, to liberalize foodimports and reduce subsidies led farmers to support the democracy movement.The formation of huge enterprises facilitated an increase in the size andmilitancy of the labor unions. Cummings, B. 5. Park had the power to bring the chaebols back in line by fiat, as hedemonstrated when he forced a conglomerate into bankruptcy in retaliationfor its opposition to its policies. . Roh won thatelection with a 37 percent plurality and during the campaign promised thatin the future direct presidential elections would occur and that politicaland civil liberties would be restored. 499). 672). 1 ). (1996). . 49). 59). Wyman (Eds.), Paths of industrializationin Latin America and East Asia (pp. In Hagen Koo(ed.), State and society in contemporary Korea (pp. 237). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Nam, C.-H. The number of strikes rosefrom 276 in 1986 to 3,617 in 1987 (Kim, E. Not only did thedemands of those excluded from the governing process increase in theirpower and militancy, but the military's coalition with business began todisintegrate. New Left Review, 173, 5-39. Koo (Ed.), State and society incontemporary Korea (pp. Choi, J. Choi says "the middle classhad to choose between economic growth and democracy" (1993, p. Kim, H. Factors Leading to Political Liberalization in South Korea One of the important variables in the equation is the ability of thegoverning complex or coalition to maintain its unity. Cummings says the SouthKorean middle class "is a prototypical nouveau social formation, far moreintent on making money than contesting for power" (The abortive, 1989,January/February 1989, p. Another theory is that economic development proceeded more quicklyin South Korea and Taiwan than in Latin America because strong militaryregimes were at the helm at the time the economic take-off point wasreached and surpassed. (1995, March 7). InF. 77). American Sociological Review, 55, 669-681. Pyo, H. South Korea's big business clientelism indemocratic reform. aid and military assistance"(Koo, 1987, pp. Under Japanese colonial rule (191 -1945), important steps were takento provide the foundations for later economic growth, but politicaldevelopments were retrogressive. The new Asian capitalism: A political portrait. ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND POLITICAL DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH KOREA This research paper discusses the following topics: (1) the processthrough which South Korea modernized itself economically and politically inthe post-World War II period and became the 11th largest economy,especially the expanded role of the state in directing and otherwisefostering economic development; (2) the interrelationship between nationaleconomic policy and economic progress in providing a framework within whichpolitical power could be shared more broadly --i.e. 9). Statist subsidization and protection of inefficient domesticindustries delayed the adaptation of Latin American governments to therealities of the world economy, led to deteriorating terms of trade,hyperinflation and recurrent international and domestic economic crises.Haggard & Kaufman say that democratic Latin American governments frequentlyfell from power because of "extraordinarily adverse economic circumstancescoupled with widespread yet highly unrealistic expectations about theeconomic benefits that would flow from democratization" (1995, p. Moon. Infiscal policy, relatively conservative policies were followed: adevaluation of the won (which had the effect of making exports cheaper onworld markets), maintenance of import protection of high priorityindustries and tax and interest rate reforms (Haggard & Moon, 1993, p. Hesays that "as bastions of the anticommunist struggle, South Korea andTaiwan both received enormous amounts of U.S. Pereira, L. Even the military split betweenhardliners and softliners, with one of the latter, Roh Tae-Woo, emerging asthe military's designated presidential candidate in 1987. 2). The government adopted animport-substitution strategy, which led to the growth of textiles and otherlight industry, but economic growth was modest (4 percent 1954-1961) and,according to Pyo (1993, Winter), "South Korea remained a poorunderdeveloped country" (p. C. By the force of theirpersonalities and their unscrupulous methods, dictators like Josef Stalinor Adolph Hitler were able to squelch dissent within their ranks. R. 27). While the South Korean middle classsupported the demands of the students and workers for greater politicaldemocracy in 1987, Haggard & Kaufman pointed out that under the Rohpresidency (1987-1991), the middle class "separated their demands forpolitical reform from the more far-reaching social agenda of theirerstwhile allies" on the left (1995, p. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 13-5 ). 7-8). Hsiao & Hsin-Huang (Eds.), In search of an East Asian developmentalmodel (p. & R. They say that since 1987,there has been "a strong continuity in the most central features ofeconomic policy that can be traced to the conservative base of support thegovernment enjoyed and the dominance of the ruling party" (Haggard &Kaufman, 1995, p. (199 ). A strong indication of the relationshipbetween business and government was the decision by the son of Hyundai'sfounder to establish in the late 198 s a new conservative political party,the Reunification People's Party. 167). Another military coup, this one led byChun Doo-Hwan in April 198 , restored military rule. Important differences in how the two countries approached economicdevelopment and political liberalization were as follows: 1. 2 6). Big business, strong state: Collusion and conflictin South Korea. Taiwan has been more successful in reducing inequality ofwages and incomes (Haggard & Kaufman, 1995, p. Even including Chile which has had the best economic track recordin Latin America over the past fifteen years, Latin American NICserroneously continued to pursue import substitution strategies long afterSouth Korea and Taiwan abandoned them (Kim & Geisse, 1988, p. Hsiao, M. 357). Some observers, such as former Prime Minister Lee Kwang Yew ofSingapore argue that Asian Democracy, because of its cultural roots inConfucian respect for the family and authority and its traditionalcollectivist ethic, will be authoritarian. M., 1996, p.193). Kim says that "despite one of the most repressive regimeswith regard to labor, South Korea had developed one of the most militantmovements in Asia's history" (1996, p. Political parties on the right and the left hamstrungnational governments in Latin America from pursuing rational economicpolicies. Sang-Jin commented on the politicaldynamics of this process, as follows: "economic success, not the failure of political authoritarianism,has contributed much to political liberalization and democratic transition . Haggard, S. Class cleavages are much sharper in South Korea than in Taiwan,farmers more satisfied, labor less aggressive and students lessdemonstrative. Which will it choose next time --money orpolitical rights? In South Korea and Taiwan military governments were not faced withpowerful and well entrenched social classes but in Latin America they were.Underlying this class conflict were profound inequalities of wealth.Inequality problems in South Korea and Taiwan were much less severe thanthey are in Latin America. None of the politicalparties truly represent middle class interests. The key tool thegovernment used to enforce compliance with its decrees was control overdomestic and foreign investment capital and its absolute "power to allocateforeign and domestic credit" (Cheng, 199 , p. 79). M.Kim says "intensified over time," especially after Park nearly won apresidential election in 1971 which he thought he had rigged, with steps toforcefeed export-oriented economic development (1996, p. Sang-Jin points outthat at the present time, "democracy remains largely confined to proceduraldemocracy at the political level, falling short of economic and socialdemocracy and participation" (Sang-Jin, 1995, p. These protests included demands for constitutional reforms torestore civil liberties and free elections. the middle classes and skilled workers have sharply increased in each country along the state-led authoritarian industrializationand acquired a political capacity . Nor is it clearthat American influences in those countries or in Latin America wereinimical to economic development and political liberalization. 3. (1993). led to reflect theinterests of foreign states and capital despite possibly negativeimplications for national development" (1987, p. In H. Variousschools of thought have emerged to explain why South Korea and Taiwanachieved rates of economic growth over the past thirty five years which farexceeded those of key Latin American NICs such as Argentina, Brazil andMexico. 2. . journal of northeast asian studies, XII, 74-87. freedom of information and discourse"(Sang-Jin, 1993, Summer, p. 143). The annual GDP growth rate increased to 9.7 percent(1981-1987) (Pyo, 1993, Winter, p. Itholds the key to South Korea's democratic future. M. C., J. Asian democracy, Koreanstyle; and (3) the prospects and challenges facing South Korea as it seeksto consolidate its economic gains, maintain political stability and achieveother social goals. Deyo (Ed.), The political economy of Asian industrialism (pp. Annual real GDP growth per annum was 9.2percent (1962-1979) (Pyo, 1993, Winter, p. Average real per capitaGDP growth rates increased from 5.9 percent in 196 -1969 to 8.1 percent in197 -1979 (Ranis, 199 , p. C. Park was assassinated by the Chief of the KoreanCIA on October 26, 1979. The difficulty with this analysis is that while Japanese politicalinfluence after 1945 was eliminated in Taiwan and greatly reduced in SouthKorea, American influence loomed large in both countries. Pye, L. 167-168). 38). (199 ). Prospects for Political and Social Democracy in South Korea The transition between authoritarianism and political democracy tookplace in times of continued economic prosperity. (1987). Colonial Legacy After Japan annexed Korea in 191 , it ruled the former feudal HermitKingdom with an iron fist, suppressing ruthlessly all vestiges of politicalopposition or dissent and Korean nationalism. These were exceptionally strong military regimes intheir earlier stages, much stronger than their counterparts in say,Argentina or Brazil, where "the interests of private capital dominate"(Evans, 1997, p. 75). Contrasts in the political economy of developmentpolicy. In contrast,Cheng says that "[military] regimes in South Korea have never managed toinstitutionalize political power" (199 , p. Economic development and democracy:Korea as a new model? 55-89). (1989, January/February). M. & Hsin-Huang (Eds.). in the world have changed sodramatically from a predominantly peasant society to a dynamic industrialsociety in one generation" (199 , October, p. 1. From farm to factory: Proletarianization inKorea. Deterioration of Military Rule (198 -1987) At first it seemed that Chun had succeeded in imposing order, but hebecame immediately unpopular because of the army's savage massacre ofrioters in Kwangju in late 198 and his proclamation of martial law. (1987). A good case in point is the indifferent support given by the middleclass in Germany during the 192 s to the Weimar Republic. (1988). As a result, KMT has remained thedominant political party, able to compete in elections, due to what Haggard& Kaufman call its "capacity . . More emphasis was placed ontechnology-intensive products, higher productivity and enhanced productquality. Continued economic growth, they say, "eases thetrade-offs associated with the organization of political support, in partby permitting compensation to negatively affected groups . (Ed.). 81). In 1992, GDP grew by 6.5percent and inflation was only 6.2 percent after dipping as low as 2.8percent in 1983-1987 (Haggard & Kaufman, 1995, p. Deyo, F. Because of Cold War politics and their ignorance of politicalconditions in Korea, the Americans basically supported the creation of aright-wing regime under Rhee, perpetuating "a long-standing alienationbetween state and society" (Choi, 1993, p. to dictate the pace and scope ofconstitutional change" (Haggard & Kaufman, 1995, p. Meeting only weak opposition after Chiang Kai-shek's retinuearrived from the mainland in 1949, KMT had a relatively easier time ofestablishing its authority over the Taiwanese and avoided the politicalturmoil of the Rhee period and the devastating effects of the Korean War.Koo says that because of their experience in China, and "unlike the Parkgovernment in Korea, which pursued accelerated growth at almost any cost,the Chiang government was more seriously concerned with price stability andrural development" (1995, p. KMT haspursued somewhat more conservative fiscal and monetary policies than hasSouth Korea and has, therefore, had fewer problems with inflation andbalance of payments difficulties. These economic difficulties coincided with violent labor disputes andstudent demonstrations. By concentrating export expansion in a few large firms, the Parkgovernment accelerated the process of urbanization, a mass influx of peoplefrom the farms to the cities, many of whom were young unmarried women,which reached staggering proportions, a movement of over 78 , a year inthe late 197 s (Kim, Dae-Hwan, 1995, March 7, p. Deyo (Ed.), The political economy of thenew Asian industrialism (pp. In World summit for social development NGO forum '95, specialworkshop on economics of rapid growth (pp. & Chin, S. [and] saw the establishment of anauthoritarian regime . 279; Evans, 1987, p. Although both nations have made at least a partial transition frommilitary rule to political democracy, the process has gone more smoothly inTaiwan, where Chiang Kai-shek's son, Chiang Ching-kuo, who took over in1972, gradually planned for a civilian succession and permittedTaiwanization of the civil service. Park'sEconomic Planning Board (EPB), largely led by foreign-trained Koreanbureaucrats, set economic targets for a then small group of 25 or soentrepreneurial firms, which later after they became huge conglomerateswere called chaebols, and rewarded or punished them based on performanceagainst plan. In their view, East Asian NICs werebetter able to reduce the influence of foreign imperialists (i.e.Americans) on their economic development policies than were theircounterparts in Latin America. Ranis, G. . Kim says that South Korea's export drive in the 196 s and 197 ssucceeded in part because "the international market was favorable . Export-oriented industries in thecapitalist world system: similarities and differences. The future of that experiment in Asian democracy is in doubtbecause of South Korea's long heritage of authoritarianism and the economicstorm clouds on the horizon. [which led to] foreign economic domination" (p. . In search of an East Asiandevelopmental model. 3. W. 42). Democracy, therefore, is not an inevitabledevelopment of economic development in an economically prosperous setting,but can be one of the likely outcomes of political dissent which anauthoritarian regime cannot satisfy. Economically, the Korean War was a catastrophe. InSouth Korea, large-scale urbanization and the rise of large-scaleenterprises brought together the masses in large numbers and increasedtheir feelings of power and solidarity, a phenomenon on which Karl Marxcommented on more than a century ago. At later stages of development, military regimeshave tended in both regions to become more brittle and less adaptive toeconomic as well as political developments. In Taiwan, "agriculture provided animportant source of industrial accumulation; in Korea, by contrast,industrialization was achieved at the expense of the rural sector," still asource of discontent in South Korea, but not in Taiwan (Koo, 1995, p. (199 ). 29). The initial results were quite impressive. 672). . South Korea'sembryonic political development reached a dead end in 1972 with thepromulgation of Park's Yushin (Revitalization) Constitution, whicheffectively deprived the people of all political rights and civilliberties. 62). . 27). . The abortive abertura: SouthKorea in the light of Latin American experience. L. Landreform, which was easier and was pushed faster in Taiwan because theKuomintang (KMT) did not have to deal with entrenched landlord interests asdid Rhee in South Korea, helped paved the way to industrialization. M., 1996, p. The Chun regime followed a moderate economic course, reducedinflation and "the economy was put back on a sustained growth path" (Pyo,1993, Winter, p. Wyman (Eds.), Paths of industrialization inLatin America and East Asia (pp. In G. 2 3-226). 29). Kim Dae Jung, aSouth Korean liberal leader, argues that the spread of modern technologywill make "democracy ever more indispensable in Asia since here economiesare now moving from a capital and labor-intensive industrial phase into aninformation--and technology-intensive one [in which] indispensable for, andrequired for this transition is . 173). The political economy of outwardliberalization: Chile and South Korea in comparative perspective. Paths of industrializationin Latin America and East Asia. Its candidate in the 1992 presidentialelections, business leader Joo Young Chung ran third (Kim, E.M. & C. . as an important first step in attaining economicdevelopment" (Kim, E. M. Stallings, Barbara. C. Pyo (1993, Winter) said Park"was able to insulate the development-minded bureaucrats from particularistpressures and the marauding lobbies of distributive politics" (p. Geisse. Among the business elites, an importantelement of this corporatist system was "the habit of looking for favors andprotection from the state" (Nam, 1995, April, p. In the process ofrebuilding the economy, the Rhee regime remained heavily dependent on $13billion of American military and economic aid, which between 1953 and 1962equalled 7 percent of the state's revenues and 8 percent of all domesticcapital formation in South Korea (Kim, E. The Japanese colonial regimeallied itself with the most conservative elements in the country, includinglarge landholders, which produced widespread farm tenancy and ruraldiscontent. It is much more difficult for authoritarian leaders to maintainunanimity in the world of mass communications. One approach is that of the world systems theorists who see theworld economy primarily in terms of the interactions and rivalries betweenthe developing and developed nations. Princeton: Princeton UniversityPress.----------------------- 1 Ithaca: CornellUniversity Press. . 74). . 2-18). State and society in contemporary Korea.Ithaca: Cornell University Press. South Korea's Nordpolitik, rapprochement with the North, hasstalled and plays a divisive role in South Korean politics, but may yetproduce a united non-communist Korea. 11). After 25years of military rule, the path was open to a free press and freepresidential and legislative elections. 77). 217). Economicreforms in new democracies. . Korea Journal, 35, 5-17. 41). . According to Haggard &Kaufman, the development of organized political opposition increases "thecosts of repression relative to those of toleration, and thus the chancesthat authoritarian rulers will acquiesce to pressures for politicalliberalization and democratic reform will rise" (1995, p. The outcome cannot be predicted safely, but thepossibility exists that the middle class will revert back to support of amore authoritarian state, should economic conditions continue to worsen. . Park ensured thatlabor was cheap by outlawing independent trade unions. 4. (Eds.),Paths of industrialization in Latin America and East Asia (pp. (1993). . The sparkwhich appears to have set off the massive student demonstrations of June1987 was the torture by the police of a student at Seoul NationalUniversity. InM. As their power increased, E. 28 & 282). References Barrett, R. Under such conditions,how stable is democracy in South Korea? Incontrast, Evans (1987) says "the performance of the Latin American NICs indistributing the benefits of their rapid industrialization is strikinglybad" (p. Therelationship between the government and the chaebols, the five largest ofwhich by 1987 accounted for over 75 percent of manufacturing GDP, becamemore symbiotic, with the government becoming more dependent on business forsupport and funds. According to Nam, the relationship between government andindustry in the 196 s was one of "domineering patron and an obedientclient" (1995, April, p. Gereffi & D. This led to charges of corruption (Kim, E. E. (1993). . Gereffi & D. L. the closing of inefficient reforms, and privatizationtemporarily disorganizes the economy" (1993, p. The role of foreign capital in economicdevelopment. Another feature of Park's development strategy was heavy reliance onforeign loans, but lesser amounts of foreign private investment. New York: State University of New York Press. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 96-97). South Korean chaebols, such as Samsung and Lucky Gold-Star emergedas major suppliers of computer and electronic components. The Latin American country which has made the mostconsistent progress in recent decades is Chile, which was ruled by themilitary dictator, Augusto Pinochet, from 197 until the late 198 s. M. An important factorin the transition to democracy in South Korea in the mid to late 198 s andin Chile in the same period was pressure from outside, especially by theUnited States Government, to liberalize their regimes. Sang-Jin, H. Evans (1987) says that in Latin America "foreign economicinterests had deep roots in the traditional economic and social structuresof the region . and civil society has become ever more serious and, as such, has provided the major energy for change" (1995, Summer, p. Taiwan has welcomed (but controlled foreign investment) whileuntil recently South Korea has tended to rely more on its own resources andforeign loans. This difference between the regions may be less true inthe future, as governments in East Asia become more popularly based. Koo, H. Political cleavages in South Korea. (Ed.) (1993). Gereffi, G. It is more difficult to generalize about countries in various stagesof economic development. South Korea's authoritarian leaders operated ina different milieu, one in which they were induced at times of massdemonstrations to promise electoral and other reforms. 8). The transition in the political economy ofSouth Korean development. Military Rule under Park (1961-1979) Rhee was ousted after student demonstrations in April 196 and withhim went the first tentative steps toward democracy.ROK General Park Chung Hee installed an authoritarian state after his coupd'etat in May 1961. M. Under American pressure,the Rhee regime undertook land reforms (1948-195 ) and in the 195 s allowedsome opposition political activity. As appropriate, comparisons are drawn between theexperience of South Korea and those of other industrializing countries,including Taiwan and some Latin American nations. Kim, E. Therulers in Beijing were able to suppress the democracy movement in TiananmenSquare in 1989, despite the fact that the world mass media put them in thespotlight of world opinion. (1991, August). Kim, Dae-Hwan. Gerefi & Wyman, D. 222).This may be due in part to the inherently volatile nature of South Koreanpolitics, as well as to the relatively greater sagacity shown by KMT indealing with dissident groups. The political economy ofdemocratic transitions. 23-43).Ithaca: Cornell University Press. . M., 1996, p. E. 36 ). Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 14). . 81-98). . The chaebols becameincreasingly independent of the government and called for less governmentinterference. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.