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SCOTLAND'S POLITICS.   Term Paper ID:26945 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Examines issue of devolution, which will give Scotland greater self-government (home rule) & may lead to separation from England.... More...

5 Pages / 1125 Words 6 sources, 7 Citations, MLA Format $20.00 Return to List of Papers

Paper Abstract: Examines issue of devolution, which will give Scotland greater self-government (home rule) & may lead to separation from England. Paper Introduction: Scotland is part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, along with the principality of Wales. Scotland and England were formerly separate states. Scotland, along with the rest of the United Kingdom, is governed primarily from Westminster. The secretary of state for Scotland administers government ministries relating to welfare and economy. Scotland is represented in the British Parliament by 72 members. Scotland has a legal system which is separate and different from that of the rest of Great Britain. In it, the High Court of Justiciary is the supreme criminal court, and its civil counterpart is the Court of Session. For the purposes of local government, Scotland was divided into 33 counties until 1975, when they were reorganized into nine administrative regions. Scotland has been part of the United Kingdom since the eighteenth century, but by Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. "They Want to Break Free." New Statesman (June 14, 1996), 1 ."A Recipe for failure." The Economist (July 12, 1997), 52.Rosie, George. Works CitedGroom, Brian. "Yes, yes! The devolution that is taking place is not as thoroughas real devotees would like, as noted, and this fact could generateadditional frustration that would increase the desire for separation orthat could simply become the new way of doing business. Another reading of the devolution agreement suggests, however, thatBritain has not given up as much power as has been thought: There is a widespread myth about Scottish home rule and it is this: apart from the big stuff--defense of the realm, foreign affairs, social security, the currency, "macro" economics and so on--the Edinburgh parliament will have a free hand to run Scotland as it sees fit . Scotland is part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and NorthernIreland, along with the principality of Wales. Westminster's retention of the abortion issue has upset the Catholics. So both English and Scots should be relaxed if the Scottish Parliament votes for independence. It suggested thatthe first step should be "regional chambers" composed of existingcouncillors from within the region, and any move to create a directlyelected assembly would have to be approved by this regional chamber, byparliament, and by a regionwide referendum. Scotland is represented in the British Parliament by 72 members.Scotland has a legal system which is separate and different from that ofthe rest of Great Britain. "No Rockets If You're Scottish." New Statesman (May 3, 1999), 25-26. And the "regulation of activities in outer space."These issues have already caused some concern in Scotland: Scotland's political classes are none too happy that Holyrood will have no control of broadcasting. The Scottish dissatisfaction with England is simplynot that great, and indeed, devolution itself has come about as muchbecause Tony Blair sees it as a beginning point for long-term change asbecause the Scottish people were agitating for it. [However,] Westminster has reserved so much control over Scottish life and Scottish affairs that no self-respecting subsidiary assembly (which is what the Scottish Parliament will be) can do anything but fret, complain, nag and clamor for more power (Rosie 25).Under this view, devolution is more a cosmetic change than a real change.It does not mean as much power to the Scots as they may want or as they maythink they have achieved, and so it would not be as far along the road topossible separation as might be thought, either. The shift of power from Westminster to aruling body in Scotland is known as devolution, and it is seen as aprecursor to possible separation. Within Scotland, themove to devolution has had a spotty history, sometimes being promoted as animportant idea, sometimes being set aside as a someday dream not to bepursued right now. The Scots themselvesdebated devolution endlessly and generally concluded that what they have,they should keep. It is even more extraordinary that all this is being offered by new Labour, the most centralized and disciplined political force in Britain's democratic history. Supporters of regionalgovernment see it as a way of countering economic decline in an area stilltraumatized by the loss of its traditional industries, ship-building andcoal-mining (Milne 1 ). At the present time, it does not seem likely that devolution willlead to separation. Scotland and England wereformerly separate states. Early in the Blair administration, The Economist stated thatthe new government was proceeding rapidly with constitutional reforms thatwere poorly thought out, including the fact that devolution to Scotland wasmoving forward without much thought on Scottish demands for subsidies thatwould tax the British. This placed numerous obstaclesin the way of any further devolution. Labor Party leader Tony Blairsupported devolution during his campaign, although it might result in lostvotes for his party ("Highland Games" 45). Until the systemhas been in place for a while, it is impossible to see how the people willview their situation within a few years. Either way, the clear intent is to develop public opinionslowly and so not to give away the ultimate goal in the beginning. When the Conservatives were in power, devolution was not on theagenda. In it, the High Court of Justiciary is thesupreme criminal court, and its civil counterpart is the Court of Session.For the purposes of local government, Scotland was divided into 33 countiesuntil 1975, when they were reorganized into nine administrative regions.Scotland has been part of the United Kingdom since the eighteenth century,but by the middle of this century a new nationalist movement had emerged.Home rule failed to win approval in a 1979 referendum but has gained newsupport in the early 199 s. Many saw the plan as too cautious. Begone with Scotland." New Statesman (August 22, 1997), 18-21.Milne, Kirsty. Similarly, it is unclear what thecurrent British government wants, whether it sees devolution as nowconstituted a an end in itself or only as the beginning of greater changein the future. "Flowers of Scotland." New Statesman (August 1, 1997), 12- 13."Highland Games." The Economist (January 7, 1995), 45-46.Mclean, Iain. With the coming to power of theLabour Party, supporters of regional government started to push for anassembly, seeing the Labor Party as giving support for devolution. The question wasraised whether the public would continue to think this way if it becameknown that the Scots wanted not only their own government, but hugesubsidies from English taxpayers and extra votes in Britain's Parliament aswell ("A Recipe for Failure" 52). Scottish scientists are restive because, in the land of Dolly the sheep, all "scientific procedures on live animals" are to be London's business (Rosie 26). The current situation couldthen become only the beginning for a much larger restructuring: Scotland is being offered a settlement that allows it to have its cake and eat it; to decide its own affairs while continuing, for the time being, to receive a disproportionate level of identifiable UK public expenditure, and which allows its (eventually reduced) contingent of Westminster MPs to vote on English matters, while English MPs cannot vote on Scottish ones. This led to a grassroots rebellionagainst the proposals at the Labour Party Conference, at which timeconstituencies in the North-east sent in fifteen resolutions calling for adirectly elected assembly. The financial arrangements for devolution will maintain that advantage. However, others see the possibility of separation in time if theScots see an advantage in it, and these commentators also see advantages toEngland if Scotland ever does decide to withdraw: Scotland has better welfare services than England (or at least more expensive ones). A cabinet committee on devolution to Scotland wascreated and chaired by Lord Irvine, the Lord Chancellor, and it wasrevealed to be split on whether Scotland should continue to get more MPsand more exchequer money than its population merited and on whether aScottish assembly should control policy on abortion. In1995, Jack Straw, the shadow home secretary, published his proposal forregional government. In England, however, public opinion polls suggested thatthe English favored devolution if the Scots wanted it. The way devolution has shaped up suggests that the British governmentis no longer so concerned with the possibility of separation and may infact see devolution first and separation second as part of a larger trendof decentralization within England itself. Many younger activists and middle-ranking tradeunion officials cared about the issue, were influential in theirconstituencies, and were very well organized. This also calls into question any ideathat devolution at present would mean the complete separation from Britain,for what the Scots want is home rule along with certain benefits derivedfrom union. . . Westminster retains powerover issues involving gambling, abortion, veterinarians, energy policy,currency, financial markets, money laundering, drugs, data protection,elections, firearms control, cinema and video censorship, immigration andextradition, wiretapping, gambling, business "associations," insolvency,intellectual property, waters, consumer protection, postal services, roadtransport, the "provision and regulation of railway services," childsupport, war pensions. It has them because every secretary of state since Tom Johnston has scared cabinets with the bogeyman of Scottish nationalism. The secretary of statefor Scotland administers government ministries relating to welfare andeconomy. Conservative Prime Minister John Major opposed bringing home ruleto Scotland and Wales, although it would bring more votes to his party ifboth countries broke away from the UK. It is pivotal to the Blair experiment in constitutional reform that Scottish home rule succeeds. Scotland, along with the rest of the UnitedKingdom, is governed primarily from Westminster. The Scots won't vote for it unless they think it will be good for them (Mclean 19).The British would benefit by saving money. The Scots voted for devolution last yearand created their own legislative body, but it is no clear if the move forseparation is as strong as was the move for devolution or if the two stateswill remain connected if separately governed. If it works it could even lead to a federal Britain (Groom 13). If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.