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WORLD ECONOMY DURING THE COLD WAR.   Term Paper ID:30173 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Analysis of two U.S. Cold War documents.... More...

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Paper Abstract: Analysis of two U.S. Cold War documents. President Harry Truman's 1949 Inaugural Address and National Security Council Directive 68. How both documents together serve as the Post-World War II message of the U.S. regarding the strategic, economic, ideological & military struggle between the U.S. & the Soviet Union. Shaping of the post-war world. Paper Introduction: President Harry S. Truman's 1949 Inaugural Address and National Security Council Directive 68, taken together, comprise the basic notions of the authors and of the nation with respect to the world economy as the Cold War began to intensify. In the aftermath of World War II, that Cold War was the dark backdrop to the messages of both authors, with the new postwar world emerging as a strategic, economic, ideological and military battleground between the superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union. Each of the four basic points of Truman's speech focus directly or indirectly on the perceived threat of the Soviet Union. Truman emphasizes the commitment of the U.S. to helping others recover economically from the ravages of World War II, but he ignores the fact that aside from Germany, perhaps the Soviet Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. supported him, whether he was an elected leader or adictator. did help a number ofnations economically, but those nations were primarily allies and developednations in Europe. (good, democratic, free and peace-loving) faced off with theUSSR (bad, communist, violent, and totalitarian). In the aftermath of World War II, that ColdWar was the dark backdrop to the messages of both authors, with the newpostwar world emerging as a strategic, economic, ideological and militarybattleground between the superpowers of the United States and the SovietUnion. Both pursued goals which they saw asexpressions of their self-interest. is willing to take any action necessary to "safeguardits security" (NSC 2). The speech was a simplified black-and-white vision of the world inwhich the U.S. The third aspect, to "strengthen freedom-loving nations against thedangers of aggression" (Truman 4), was belied by actual American foreignpolicy. Work CitedLaFeber, Walter. In Section 18g, the NSC essentially warnsagainst even negotiating with the Soviets, for any apparent Soviet openingto peace should be taken as "a deceptive change in Soviet tactics" (NSC 3). Each of the four basic points of Truman's speech focus directly orindirectly on the perceived threat of the Soviet Union. The NSC Directive offers nothing but a sterner version of Truman'sspeech, in which the world is viewed as a field to be fought over by theAmericans or the Soviets and in which the Soviets should never be trustedor believed. Truman mentions theUnited Nations, but it was largely a symbolic world body with little powerof enforcing decisions. Both hated and feared theother side, and both had to and did manipulate their own people withpropaganda. Truman was guided far more by economic desires than by fearof any military threat from the Soviet Union. The NSC's Directive 68 expresses the same Cold War-driven view thatTruman expresses, in line with LaFeber's analysis. The NSC, in Section 18b, sees economics not as a means to a betterlife but as a necessary element of maintaining vigilance against theCommunists at home and abroad. It is taken for grantedthat the Soviet Union is the enemy of the United States, despite the factthat the two were allies in World War II. The concern with the takeoverof Eastern Europe by the Soviet Union, and the loss of Third World nationsto the Soviets, was more a matter of economics than liberty or democracy.LaFeber says Truman made this clear: The President frankly declared that if the expansion of state- controlled economies (such as the communists') was not stopped, and an open world marketplace not restored for private businessmen, depression would occur and the government would have to intervene massively in the society (LaFeber 54). The fourth aspect--foreign aid--was also predicated on the support orlack thereof from the leadership of the undeveloped nation for U.S.interests. America, Russia, and the Cold War, 1945-1992. in part because itallowed him to suggest that the postwar conflict was between the "good"nations of the U.N. As long as a leader of any country took the U.S. In such a scenario, the continuity and intensification of the Cold Warwas inevitable. against the "bad" Communist nations. Both sides in the Cold War were operating according to their owneconomic and strategic self-interests, and both sides were generallywilling to do almost anything and everything they had to do to outflank theother side, short of outright war with one another. It was rooted in the ColdWar ideology which ruled over international relations for decades afterWorld War II. In reality, the United States throughout the 195 s (Vietnam,Guatemala, Iran) would pursue not U.N.-backed measures for peace andprogress, but covert, self-serving, unilateral actions which did everythingpossible to prevent the peoples of those and other lands from exercisingtheir freedom and democracy to choose their own leaders and develop theirown economic plans. The poorer, underdeveloped nations of Asia, Africa and Latin Americawere to be treated far differently, namely as battlegrounds for the twosuperpowers. They were wounded in every sense, especiallyeconomically. Truman emphasizesthe commitment of the U.S. Would the United States create aworld of capitalism and democracy, or would the Soviet Union shape a worldof totalitarianism and socialism? to helping others recover economically from theravages of World War II, but he ignores the fact that aside from Germany,perhaps the Soviet Union suffered more in every way than any other nation.The Soviets, however, were perceived by American leaders as a threat, notas a nation to be sent aid, as were European nations. LaFeber makes clear that the UnitedStates, just as much as the Soviet Union, was capable of using anypropaganda ploy to frighten its citizens into supporting further steps intothe darkness of the Cold War, and Truman's address fits into thatpropaganda. In other words, the policy suggested by the NSC wasthat the United States had to act as tough as possible in order to preventwar. Walter LaFeber, in America, Russia, and the Cold War, 1945-1992,shows that the Cold War was the result of the conflict between the UnitedStates over how the world would be shaped after World War II. What Truman was saying was that liberty and democracy depended oncapitalism. Truman mentioned the U.N. Section 16b of the Directive suggeststhat the only way to avoid an attack by the Soviets is to let the Sovietsknow that the U.S. LaFeber writes that the Soviet Union was far from being a threat tothe United States after the war. "Good" leaders were those siding with the U.S., while "bad"leaders were pro-Soviet, whether or not they had been freely elected. Economics became the stated purpose behind the Cold War, andforeign policy became to a large degree a matter of protecting Americaneconomic and strategic interests abroad, not an altruism seeking freedomand prosperity for poor nations. With such a perspective, it was inevitable that the Cold Warwould continue for another forty years. Their foreign policies were so tied into theconcept that the other side was pure evil, to have backed off from thatposition would have been to admit that their own vision of reality had beenillusory. Both were willing to do whatever theyneeded to do to bring about the desired results. The Soviets had suffered far more than theUnited States in the war. Nowhere in the Truman address orthe NSC Directive are negotiations with the Soviet Union considered, or anyplans whatsoever which would reduce Cold War tensions or increase the trustand understanding between the two superpowers. 1-6.----------------------- 7 side in the ColdWar, the U.S. It is true, as Truman notes, that the U.S. 195 . As with Truman's speech,Directive 68 does mention economic issues, but only peripherally and alwaysin the context of the military--especially atomic--threat from the Soviets.The Directive refers to "the political, economic and psychological warfarewhich the USSR is now waging" (NSC 1-2), but does not mention that the U.S.was engaged in the same activities. President Harry S. For both sides, theworld economy boiled down to Third World nations as a battleground formarkets, power, strategic bases, and exploitation. 1-11.Truman, Harry S. "Inaugural Address." January 2 , 1949. Which sidewould decide the nature of the world? Eachside by that time simply had too much invested in too many ways to try toback out of the conflict. As he noted, it was "the European recovery program"(Truman 4) which served as the centerpiece of the American world economicplan. Lafeber concludes that the economic, political, strategic,ideological and military aspects of each side were so intertwined that oncethe Cold War was under way in earnest, stopping it was impossible. Truman's 1949 Inaugural Address and NationalSecurity Council Directive 68, taken together, comprise the basic notionsof the authors and of the nation with respect to the world economy as theCold War began to intensify. NewYork: McGraw-Hill, 1993.National Security Council 68: United States Objectives and Programs forNational Security. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.