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THE RADICALISM OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTIOIN.   Term Paper ID:30709 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: Contends that the Revolution was uncompromising and radical.... More...

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Paper Abstract: Contends that the Revolution was uncompromising and radical. Radicalism based on a full and complete severing of any formal governmental relationship with England. Belief that Americans should control their own destinies. British Colonial rule; taxes and restraints. Social mobility and rising middle class of the American Colony. Ideas of the Revolutionary leaders. Paper Introduction: The Radicalism of the American Revolution Introduction One of the more intriguing questions in the field of American history is this: How “radical” was the American Revolution? Historian George Wood believes that the true radicalism of the American Revolution lay in its destruction of an older hierarchical order, i.e., the monarchy, and the development of an entirely new set of normative social relationships that were not primarily dependency relationships, with people tied together by patronage, blood, and kinship. With few exceptions, Wood was for many years alone in his belief that the American Revolution was a very radical revolution indeed; many other historians saw the Revolution as an essentially conservative rejection not of monarchy per se, but of the immed Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. Hancock opposed Parliament on the basis of specificacts, whereas Adams and the individuals who formed the Sons of Liberty in1765 had a far more encompassing enmity toward the British Empire. The American Revolution: Opposing Viewpoints. A History of the American People. 17.[3 ] Ibid.[31] Ibid., p. Samuel Adams: Radical Puritan. Not satisfied with the idea that some kind of compromise beneficialto both the colonists and England could be reached, men like Patrick Henryand Samuel Adams were determined on leading more moderate men to therealization that only a full and complete severing of any formalgovernmental relationship with England would be sufficient to meet theneeds of the Americans. On March 5, 177 , a publicprotest by these workers led British sentries at the Customs House todisobey orders and fire on the crowd, killing and wounding eight colonists. 53.[24] Ibid., p. As Johnson has pointed out, Jefferson'sdocument was a powerful invocation of many of the philosophical constructsof the Enlightenment.[37] Only independence would do. When the BostonTea Party occurred as a negative reaction to the 1773 Tea Act, the radicalsin the "leather apron" groups and Sam Adams took to the streets in protestand dumped thousands of pounds of tea into Boston Harbor.[21] Radicalizing American political thought was also spurred by thepublication of Thomas Paine's Common Sense in 1776 and even earlier by themeeting of political leaders at the First Continental Congress in 1774.[22] Historian George Wood claims that underpinning the attitudes of a numberof radicals was the belief that the British government was intent upontruncating the ability of the colonists to prosper economically.[23] Atissue was the paternalistic authority that many of the radials perceived,perhaps incompletely, as having the potential to delay the coming ofcapitalist modernity. He asserted the separateness of Americanissues and interests from those of England. Martin and Randy Roberts, America and its People (New York:Harper Collins, 1989), p. These needs were centered not only uponrepresentative government, but also on economic autonomy. This group, like themore conservative elements in the colonies, held that liberty was apositive good and regarded liberty and limited government as marching handin hand. 146.[34] Ibid., p. 155[38] Ibid.[39] William M. As long asAmerican incomes and products could be taxed at will by Parliament (even aParliament containing representatives from the colonies), Americans wouldnot be able to control their own destinies. Norton,1998), pp. They were, for the most part, proud to be part of the BritishEmpire and, with the elimination of a meaningful French presence and thereduction of Spanish influence in North America, they were enjoying a senseof freedom and autonomy.[4] Paradoxically, an invigorated imperial programimposed new restrictions on the colonials came at the very moment when thecolonists themselves felt that they were ready for greater autonomy and anexpanded role in the making of decisions impacting upon their lives.Psychologically, they were ready for anything but new imperial restraintson their social, political and economic activities.[5] Under the colonial governorship of Lord George Grenville, efforts toimpose taxes and restraints on the colonists took shape; the Stamp Act, forexample, was but one of several measures that were ill-received by many inthe colonies, who at first resorted to petitions directed to Parliament andthe Crown in which a redress of grievances was sought. Historian George Woodbelieves that the true radicalism of the American Revolution lay in itsdestruction of an older hierarchical order, i.e., the monarchy, and thedevelopment of an entirely new set of normative social relationships thatwere not primarily dependency relationships, with people tied together bypatronage, blood, and kinship.[1] With few exceptions, Wood was for manyyears alone in his belief that the American Revolution was a very radicalrevolution indeed; many other historians saw the Revolution as anessentially conservative rejection not of monarchy per se, but of theimmediate acts of a monarch and a British Parliament.[2] Wood, in contrast, has made the case that part of the radicalism ofthis Revolution rested upon his commercialism, its capitalistunderpinnings, and its materialism. In the events leading up tothe fighting, ordinary men and women were roused by a number of factors.There was a desire for a republic and for a system that would support thecommon good. Those who are governed at the will ofothers...without their own consent, and against their will, are in thecondition of slaves."[7] When the Sugar Act of 1765 was passed byParliament, many in the colonies who had not even considered rebellionbegan to give action against the British Crown new thought; however, therewere few in the colonies who considered at this juncture that a violentrevolution would be needed.[8] Eric Foner believes that the radical roots of the Revolution werecentered in the wide distribution of property that characterized thecolonies and created an opportunity for a far greater level of socialmobility than was available in England herself.[9] Liberty became morethan an ideal for the colonials, who saw liberty as a fundamental rightthat should be available to all me. 51.[2] Ibid.[3] Ibid., p. Few, other than Sam Adams himself, wereactively advocating compete independence from England. This was an eminentlypractical concern. British measures of the 176 ssuch as the Stamp and Sugar Acts, the Quartering Duties, and TownshendDuties were "sometimes assailed in the name of natural rights, bur far morefrequently in the name of the 'rights and privileges of freebornEnglishmen.'"[1 ] As the conflict deepened, however, colonial leaders cameto believe that the British Crown and Parliament were engaged in an immenseconspiracy to destroy American liberties and their attitude shifted from ofcalling for such natural rights" to demanding independence and autonomy. Jefferson argued for the natural rights of American immigrantswhom he saw as having already established their freedom from British powerby the simple act of immigration. New York: Harper Collins, 1997.Martin, James K., and Roberts, Randy. 6 -62[18] M.B. Certainly,however, in 1763 the colonists were not plotting rebellion against theCrown. At the outset,opposition to British imperial policies invoked time-honored Britishprinciples (no taxation without representation, trial by jury) and employedmodes of resistant familiar to the Crown. This economic system didnot admit of the superiority of the nobility or the monarchy.[24] While many of the Founding Fathers were gentlemen and men of whatcould be considered the leisure agrarian class, others like Sam Adams,represented a significantly different population. Paine argued that America ought to be free from Englandbecause American needed to be released from the compulsion to fight inEngland's colonial wars such as the recently concluded Seven Years' Waragainst France.[31] Paine also argued that this particular war had created a huge publicdebt that had forced the English Parliament to impose punitive taxes on thecolonists. This was certainly the view of Samuel Adams and other radicals,who had proven able manipulators of the mobs of disenchanted workers forwhom new taxes represented a threat to their economic survival.[32] According to historian Paul Johnson, the radicals were confronted withthe necessity of winning the emotional battle for men's hearts before theycould begin the physical war against England. Escott, H.P. There was no chancethat a newly radicalized group of colonial leaders would permit arapprochement with the British Crown or with Parliament. By 1772, portions of the Townshend Acts were implemented under theNorth administration, leading Adams to call for a more activist posture onthe part of the patriots.[2 ] Adams was joined Otis and Quincy in aconcerted effort to generate anti-parliamentary sentiment. 51 -58.-----------------------[1] Fredric Smoler, "The Radical Revolution," American Heritage, December1992, 43 (8), p. 16.[28] Ibid.[29] Ibid., p. This group joined forceswith a number of Massachusetts "leather apron" gangs or workersassociations that ultimately were united by Adams in defense of essentialpolitical liberties. 133.[23] Fredric Smoler, op. 18.[32] Ibid., p. Norton, 1998.Fowler, William M. Fowler, op. New York: Longman, 1997.Hofstadter, Richard. When the FirstContinental Congress assembled in Philadelphia on September 5, 1774, men ofall political persuasions were present. This thesis will be exploredherein with respect to the literature.Discussion The period leading to the American Revolution was one in whichBritish colonial rule became increasingly harsh and repressive. 54.[25] Ibid.[26] Ibid.[27] John Chalberg, The American Revolution: Opposing Viewpoints (SanDiego, CA: Greenhaven Press, 1992), p. Such control was a necessitynot only for meaningful freedom and liberty, but also for the economicadvancement of people who saw themselves as entitled to such advancement.It is upon these ideas that the notion of a "radical" revolution must bebased. A People & A Nation. Katzman, P.D. Martin andRoberts identified James Otis, Junior, and Samuel Adams, as among the mostprominent of the colonials; also important was Thomas Paine, a recentarrival from England who nevertheless caught the revolutionary spirit inshort order.[14] Otis was a prominent leader in the struggle against astrong Royalist faction in the persons of such men as MassachusettsGovernor Francis Bernard, Lieutenant Governor and Chief Justice ThomasHutchinson, Secretary and Councilor Andrew Oliver. From this nucleus, resistance spread even after theresolution of the Stamp Act crisis.[17] Boston became a natural center for revolutionary and radical activityin part because the community was a self-contained entity in which a numberof the leading early patriots and resistance leaders were positioned.[18]The quartering of British officers in Boston and their frequent paradingon the Boston Common caused unrest among the "leather apron" workers'association and on March 2, 177 , some workers attacked British soldierslooking for work during their off-duty hours. BibliographyChalberg, John C. He held the viewthat sovereignty did not rest in a distant place or with strangers, butmust reside with the people of the colonies.[16] It is interesting that Adams found common cause with John Hancock, amuch less puritanical individual than Adams and a member of the mercantileand social elite. New York: W.W. In this sense, a substantial number of therevolutionaries were actually quite conservative. Martin and Randy Roberts, op. 125.[21] Ibid., p. America and Its People. Editor. Adams and others like him were Puritans, Calvinists, and above all,capitalists. Martin and Roberts say that thecentral question debated at the Continental Congress was how belligerentthe Congress should be: "the more cautious delegates wanted to find somemeans to settle differences with Britain, but the radicals believed thatwell-organized resistance could get King and Parliament to back down."[25] The attitudes of many of the more conservative members attending theFirst Continental Congress were vulnerable to the pressures that wereexerted by the more radical members.[26] John Chalberg noted that therewere many sharp divisions among these men, which included animositiesbetween Whig supporters of independence and Tory supporters of arestructured relationship with the British Crown. There was also fear that economic domination by England woulddiminish the potential for prosperity of the colonists.[33] At the same time, there was a growing fear among many in the coloniesthat the rule of law would be diminished because of popular resistance tosuch Parliamentary dictates as the Coercive Acts. Unfortunately, Otis wasa victim of mental instability and his leadership soon passed to SamuelAdams, who held a number of personal as well as political grudges againstthe aforementioned Royalists. cit., p. 139-141.[4 ] Ibid., p. Sam Adams won his first term to the Massachusetts General Assembly in1765, but it was the Stamp Act Crisis that convinced Adams that anopportunity to attack unacceptable imperial taxes and local politicalenemies had arrived.[15] Adams was fundamentally and absolutely opposed toany power that sought to impose itself upon the people. They simply wanted tomaintain freedoms rather than to fight for new ones.[28] At the same time, a different strand of republican thought as evidentin the actions of Samuel Adams and the writings of Thomas Paine had begunto weave its way into the minds of some Americans. John Adams stood withthe Loyalists, but came to believe that home rule would be a necessity.John Adams and his supporters wanted to retain rights that they hadpresumed had always been theirs until Parliament began imposing restrictivemeasures.[27] Included in these rights were demands for the right to trial by jury,to be free of unreasonable searches, to be secure in one's property, and tobe free of unwarranted taxes. New York: Vintage, 1989.Johnson, Paul. 4 - 5.[9] Ibid., p. Men such as Patrick Henry andSamuel Adams wanted nothing less than complete independence, the abolitionof monarchy, and a new system of governance and a society to match.[29] The arguments of the republicans and the radicals convinced ThomasJefferson that legal rights were insufficient to guarantee liberty forAmericans. 13.[11] Ibid.[12] Richard Hofstadter, The American Political Tradition and the Men WhoMade It (New York: Vintage, 1989), p. 111.[8] Eric Foner, The Story of American Freedom (New York: W.W. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 199 .Smoler, Fredric. Whereas John Adams viewed these events as tragic andcalamitous, Samuel Adams cried out when hearing the first gunfire, "what aglorious morning this is - I mean, for America."[36] It would be Samuel Adams' perspective on the revolutionary impetusthat would take hold and shape the ideas presented by Thomas Jefferson inthe Declaration of Independence. Most Americans did not set out totransform the rights of Englishmen into the rights of man. The American Political Tradition And the Men Who Made It. 123.[19] Ibid.[2 ] Ibid., p. A key vote at the FirstContinental Congress came on October 14, 1774 when the delegates passed theDeclarations and Resolve that roundly condemned British interference inAmerican internal affairs and asserted the rights of colonial assemblies toenact legislation and impose taxes as they pleased.[34] Patrick Henry, another of the more prominent radicals, called forliberty or death, claiming that he was not a Virginian, but an American.This was to become the dominant tenor of the times.[35] By the time that the Second Continental Congress met, a point of noreturn had been reached. For Paine and Adams, it was not sufficient to simply be free frominterference from a distant parliament. New York: Harper Collins, 1989.Norton, M.B., Katzman, David M., Escott, P.D., Chudacoff, H.P., Patterson, T.G., and Tuttle, William. These are radical ideas that harken backdirectly to the experiences and attitudes of the Puritans who settled theMassachusetts Bay Colony.[41]Summary and Conclusions As George Wood argued, the American Revolution was very radicalindeed. 111.[15] Ibid., p. 2.[1 ] Ibid., p. cit., pp. 126.[22] Ibid., p. 11 ).[5] Ibid.[6] Ibid.[7] Ibid., p. With the first shots fired inLexington and Concord, Massachusetts, the path toward armed revolt wasfirmly established. Instead,Jefferson realized that "the important issue was the natural right ofAmerican independence, obtained by having left Europe."[3 ] Thomas Paine advanced this position even further. The Story of American Freedom. Adams, joined by others such as Paul Revere, used the Boston Massacre as apropaganda opportunity.[19] Even at this juncture, patriots such as John Adams and Josiah Quincyfound themselves defending the British soldiers, while others called forcalm and a restoration of order. Fowler, Samuel Adams: Radical Puritan (New York: Longman,1997), p. 15 .[37] Ibid., p. 7 - 8.[14] James K. The Radicalism of the American RevolutionIntroduction One of the more intriguing questions in the field of American historyis this: How "radical" was the American Revolution? 96.[17] Ibid., pp. Chudacoff, T.G.Patterson, and William Tuttle, A People & a Nation (Boston: HoughtonMifflin, 199 ), p. 7.[13] Ibid., pp. 19.[33] Paul Johnson, A History of the American People (New York: HarperCollins, 1997), p. 148.[35] Ibid.[36] Ibid., p. "The Radical Revolution." American Heritage, December 1992, 43 (8), pp. The "yeoman farmer" so revered byThomas Jefferson was a less viable stereotype of the colonial era than themercantile capitalist.[3] Other historians are also looking again at keyacts and actors in the American Revolution and coming to the conclusionthat it was a very radical event after all. The American Revolution was such a radical experiment.It was also a successful experiment. San Diego, Ca.: Greenhaven, 1992.Foner, Eric. This shift would move away from dependence on a benevolentaristocracy to a dependence on individual men whose fortunes depended ontheir own capacity for work. Norton, David M. He had made the influence of the Boston mobfelt even among the ranks of the Virginia gentlemen and farmers.[39] The radicalism of Samuel Adams and his supporters was the radicalismof the Protestants who considered themselves God's elect. The interests ofthe American colonials was therefore firmly fixed on entering into a justwar against an oppressive power that no longer had any legitimacy in thecontext of American affairs.[38] Samuel Adams, the prototypical American radical, was jubilant withthe results of the Second Continental Congress. 52.[4] James K. 112.[16] William M. Even Benjamin Franklin, who had attempted tomediate between the colonists and the British Crown, had come to theconclusion that the British Empire was no longer capable of meeting theinterests of the American colonists. Also working directly with Adams in Massachusetts was an informalpatriot governing body known as the Loyal Nine. There was nothingespecially "radical" about such activities, which were bolstered by aflurry of pamphlets and broadsides that laid out an American position vis-à-vis essential political rights.[6] As Stephen Hopkins of Rhode Islandwrote in a November 1764 pamphlet titled The Rights of the ColoniesExamined, "British subjects are governed only agreeably to laws which[they] themselves have consented.... Paine denied theauthority of the British monarch. cit., p. AsFoner states, the radicals of the American colonies such as Samuel Adams,came to believe that they had both the right and the duty to resistarbitrary authority and that liberty itself was identified with the causeof God.[11] Richard Hofstadter has argued that one of the factors leading to theradicalization of the American Revolution and the events leading to thatRevolution was the presence in the colonies of a substantial number ofindividuals in the rising middle class.[12] While many of the FoundingFathers and the Revolutionary leaders, including those men like ThomasJefferson who wrote the Declaration of Independence, were clearly membersof a colonial elite, the masses who supported Samuel Adams and the mobs ofNew England were drawn from among the working and middle classes.Jefferson's "yeoman farmers" were very much at the beating heart of thismovement, a not surprising reality in light of the fact that they wereamong the most viciously taxed of all the American colonials and had themost to lose because of repressive British policies.[13] Who were the "most radical" of the Revolutionaries? The primary demandof the colonists was freedom from parliamentary authority or,alternatively, a larger voice in parliamentary decisions impacting on thecolonies. For these men, independence and democracy were intimately andinextricably tied to a specific economic system. The issue was no longer whether or notParliament had a right to legislate for the American colonies. He had successfullyensured that the cause of his home state of Massachusetts had become thecause of the entire country. Adams and othersrejected the high social life enjoyed by individuals such as John Hancockand believed that revolution was necessary in order to ensure the progress"of those who would fain run in the Path of Virtue and Glory."[4 ] To savethe country, the radicals were convinced that a major ideological shift wasrequired. Among the more radical delegateswere Sam Adams and his younger cousin, John Adams, and Patrick Henry.George Washington was present as were conservatives like Joseph Galloway ofPennsylvania and John Jay of New York. 142.[41] Ibid. If this paper is not what you are looking for, you can search again: Search for: or Click here to request an essay written just for you.