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Çatalhöyük, The First City   Term Paper ID:41400 Click to get this paper

Essay Subject: This paper discusses atalh y k the oldest known city located in Turkey The ...... More...

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Paper Abstract: This paper discusses Çatalhöyük, the oldest known city, located in Turkey. The history of its excavation by Mellaart and then by Hodder, as well as an analysis of the findings is examined, followed by a discussion of the mysteries that still remain. Paper Introduction: atalh y k The First CityIntroduction There are always mysteries in any archaeological study The people ofthe civilization under study are long dead and everything thatarchaeologists learn about the culture must be deduced from what they findamid the ruins of what once was Archaeology is the study of ancientcultures in which artefacts and other findings are used as clues inunraveling the enigmas of the prehistoric past In a acre area in the Anatolian plain of Turkey east of theCarsamba River and near Text of the Paper: The entire text of the paper is shown below. However, the text is somewhat scrambled. We want to give you as much information as we possibly can about our papers and essays, but we cannot give them away for free. In the text below you will find that while disordered, many of the phrases are essentially intact. From this text you will be able to get a solid sense of the writing style, the concepts addressed, and the sources used in the research paper. For no reason that anyone has yet beenable to elucidate, for example, they buried their dead beneath the floorsof the houses (Hirst). The answer to the question of religion would be informative in anotherway, as well. Hodder is fascinated with "therelationship between creating art on the one hand and sedentarism(thepractices of living in one place, growing crops and domesticating animals-on the other," noting that "There is increasing evidence of elaboratesymbolism associated with early sedentarism and the development ofagriculture" (Chandler).Unanswered Questions and Debates Although archaeologists such as Hodder have drawn important insightsfrom their findings at Çatalhöyük, there still remain many unansweredquestions and debates about the site. Unlike the small villages previously thought to be the world'soldest, Çatalhöyük was probably home to as many as 1 , people (Balter,1998, 1442). Balter, Michael. A team of archaeologists from Turkey,the United States, Britain, Greece, Germany, and England was assembled, andits leader was British archaeologist Dr. Ian Hodder, who had been taught byMellaart (Young 4). Hodder has acknowledged in an interview with theSociety for California Archaeology that "The work of James Mellaart atÇatalhöyük in the 196 s made a great impact for a number of reasons,"including its proof that "early complex settled villages developed outsideas well as within the 'Fertile Crescent' and the site's artwork and size("SCA Interview: Ian Hodder (1999)"). An array of tools have been found at Çatalhöyük, including stonetools with "delicately chipped arrow points, spearheads, and daggers" andtools made of ground stone, such as "mortars, pestles, querns, axes, adzesand the like" (Hirst). Kris. It is not clear why the inhabitants crammed theirhouses together in this manner rather than arranging them across thelandscape in a more orderly manner, as virtually every civilization sincehas done (Balter, 1998, 1442). Another focal point is the navel, which is rendered as either "anindentation or an added detail" (Çatalhöyük 2 7 Archive Report 279).Obsidian artefacts are found from time to time, often as grave effects, butthey seem to be found in fewer numbers than when Mellaart's excavation wasin process. It would answer still another question(were the houses atÇatalhöyük ordinary dwellings or sacred places, such as shrines? Mellaart cautions that with solittle of the site dug, there could be future discoveries such as "largecommunal buildings" and other public areas still uncovered in another partof the settlement, although Hodder disagrees (Balter, 1998, 1442).Hodder's team has studied the entire mound in great detail and found nosign of any temples or other public buildings (Balter, 1998, 1442). Thepresence of the dead buried under the floors and the bright murals on thewalls, not to mention the homes that were too poorly ventilated, tightlypacked, and ill-lit to be comfortable in everyday life, suggests the latteruse (Altan; Balter). Hodder and his team have not yet deducedthe significance of the skull but postulate that it may represent "theveneration of an ancestor," since the skull clearly dates from an earliergeneration (Balter, 1998, 1442). No definitive answers have yet been found tothese questions, but the quest continues.Recent Work Compared with the early excavations by Mellaart, who retired years agofrom London's Institute of Archaeology, today's work is progressing moreslowly. Works Cited "Catal Hoyuk." Appendix. Why did the community begin 9, years ago and then suddenlyvanish after 1,2 years? Ceramic vessels have been found at alllevels of the dig, of which the most remarkable are the figurines, whichgenerally feature women, although animal figurines such as cattle and goatsare also fairly common (Hirst). Agriculture consisted of dry farming crops such as emmer wheat,lentils, barley in fields a minimum of seven miles away from the settlement(Hirst). Çatalhöyük, The First CityIntroduction There are always mysteries in any archaeological study. As Hodder and his team continue to dig carefully through the ancientcommunity, making new finds and developing new ideas about what went on atÇatalhöyük, the answers to these and other questions may someday beevident. General OneFile. A perennial debate pivots on thequestion of whether Çatalhöyük is a city, a town, or a village. The city's name did not originate with its ancient inhabitants,however; in fact, since they lived in the pre-writing Neolithic age, "noone will ever know what the generations of people who lived there calledit" (Perlman). Alternatively, he suggests that theplaster applied to the skull was merely used to make it seem more real,adding, "We just don't know" (Balter, 1998, 1442). In a 2 3 issue of Scientific American, Hodder stated that Çatalhöyükstated that Çatalhöyük's inhabitants "had an impressive socialorganization, a rich religious life, a high level of technology (weaving,pottery, obsidian tools), and a genius for painting and sculpture"(Perlman). The houses "were so tightly packedtogether that there were neither streets nor front doors," and theinhabitants used indoor ladders to get to their house's roof, then walkedacross the roofs of their neighbors and went down another ladder through ahole in the roof that also served as a smoke vent (Chandler). Hodderfinds most interesting the fact that "Çatalhöyük shows that very largesocial communities could be created within a 'village-type' organisation.It shows that large communities can be held together through the absorptionof beliefs and daily practices rather than through the wielding ofcentralised power" ("SCA Interview: Ian Hodder (1999)"). The residentslikely built their own houses (Balter, 1998, 1442). "Layers of clustered apartments hide artifacts of ancient urban life." SFGate, 18 April 2 5. According to Guillermo Algaze of theUniversity of California, San Diego, "Catalhöyük may be the largestNeolithic settlement in the Near East, but it's still just an overgrownvillage," since farmers do not live in a town or a city as they did atCatalhöyük (Balter, 1998, 1442). The lack of a uniform burial protocol begs the question of whether theinhabitants had a consistent religion and what that religion was.Mellaart's view was that the many figurines of fat women indicated a"goddess" religion at the center of the culture in which Çatalhöyük'speople had "worshipped a mother goddess, as represented by a plethora offemale figurines, made of fired clay or stone, that both he and Hodder'sgroup have unearthed at the site over the years" (Balter, 2 5). Balter supports the notion of a goddess-basedreligion, stating in his own book that the inhabitants were "devoted to theworship of the Mother Goddess and her son, a deity who sometimes took theform of a bull and who was both her child and her lover" (2 5, 39). Inside, the rooms, about 2 x 13 feet each, had floors that wereplastered with lime and covered with reed mats, and the walls were paintedin red (Hirst). The walls were lined with built-in benches and platformsand featured small carved-in niches (Hirst). During recent years, Hodder's team has made some interesting finds.One year in a dig at houses that were buried nearly 7 feet deep, theydiscovered another "mother goddess" figurine and "an extraordinary skullcoated with plaster, colored in red and cradled in the arms of a femaleskeleton" (Balter, 1998, 1442). Was it really a dwelling place for live people, ashrine intended to show reverence for the gods, or an enormous burialcommunity? The walls and floors of the houses had been repeatedlyplastered and decorated with paintings in a geometric style and with thehorns of bulls (Hirst). "Çatalhöyük." About.com. The site's new excavations "haveuncovered little evidence for division of labor," also, with microscopicstudies of the plaster and mud bricks from the houses showing a varied mixof the soils and plants that form them, suggesting that there were nostandard building techniques in use (Balter, 1998, 1442). Moreover, during the 1, years that it was occupied, thecity's inhabitants "rebuilt their houses one on top of the other until theyhad created a mound 2 meters high," forcing them to enter their door-lessmud-and-brick homes through openings in their flat roofs (Balter, 1998,1442; "Catal Hoyuk 1). Nor will there likely ever be a definitive answer to themany questions surrounding Çatalhöyük, one of the most compelling being whyit "vanished inexplicably only 1,2 years" after its founding (Perlman).This paper will describe Çatalhöyük and its archaeological history,exploring the evidence of everyday life there and examining some of themany unanswered questions about the culture of its people and the purposeof its founding.Discovery and Archaeological Research of Çatalhöyük The discovery of Çatalhöyük near today's city of Konya was made byBritish archaeologist James Melaart in 1958 (Balter, 1998, 1442).Mellaart's find of this Neolithic settlement "electrified thearchaeological community" by virtue of its age( "45 years older than theEgyptian pyramids"(a "staggering" discovery that was to reveal the peculiarway of life in the New Stone Age (Balter, 1998, 1442). This and other oddities drew intenseinterest in the archaeological community, which assayed to explain theperplexing clues to the Çatalhöyük way of life. Shane, Orrin C., III; Küçük, Mine. Hodder and Tringham assert that the city's Stone Ageinhabitants cultivated cereal grains and domesticated sheep but that theydid so at a primitive level, not being "true farmers of varied crops" norherders of cattle (Perlman). "Çatalhöyük and the New Archeology." Saudi Aramco World, (Sept/Oct 2 2). Hodder began a new phase ofexcavation in 1993, from which he has learned more about Çatalhöyük'senvironment, economy, and social organization, focusing on women's role inthe community, "the domestication of cattle, the invention of pottery, andsite location at this time" ("SCA Interview: Ian Hodder (1999)"). The team continues to find figurines, and many of these are femalewith exaggerated buttock and stomach areas and breasts that are either"large and pendulous, or malformed and flattened" (Çatalhöyük 2 7 ArchiveReport 279). "The World's First City." Archaeology, 51.2, (March-April 1998). The city's homes were built "one against the other with opencourtyards occurring randomly" and constructed using timber frames cladwith mud brick ("Catal Hoyuk" 1). Hodder suggests that the site's earlysettlers chose that location because of its enhancement of their"spirituality and artistic expression" (Balter, 2 5). Archaeology is the study of ancientcultures in which artefacts and other findings are used as clues inunraveling the enigmas of the prehistoric past. Theycarefully scraped the topsoil and looked for variations in the Earth'smagnetic field that might signal the presence of buried buildings, but theydid not find indication of anything other than the type of mud-brick housesalready uncovered (Balter, 1998, p. His colleague Ruth Tringham supports his conclusions, adding that the datafrom the human remains indicates that "men did not undertake hugelydifferent tasks from women, nor did they receive markedly different socialtreatment," findings that mitigate against the conclusion that a goddessculture existed there (Balter, 2 5). It was rare for the bodies to be buried with personalitems, although occasionally jewelry was found (Hirst). Hodder "questions whether the figurines represent religious deities,but he says they're significant nonetheless," pointing out that "Beforehumans could domesticate the wild plants and animals around them...they hadto tame their own wild nature(a psychological process expressed in theirart" (Balter, 2 5). The people ofthe civilization under study are long dead, and everything thatarchaeologists learn about the culture must be deduced from what they findamid the ruins of what once was. Moreover, why are there bodies buried beneath thefloors of the houses, and layers upon layers of additional plaster flooringunder which were mounded up more bodies? The kitchen, boasting lowovens set in the wall, occupied approximately one-third of the home's totalfloor space ("Catal Hoyuk" 1). He notes that the roofs were constructedof "clay, wood and reeds" and were "approximately 6 centimetres in width,"making them sufficiently large to seat an average-sized person (Altan). Clay and stone figurines in the shapes of "fatladies and unidentifiable animals" were also ubiquitous at Çatalhöyük(Hirst). Hodder and Tringham suggest that theinhabitants did, however, gather wild plants and hunt wild cattle, pigs,and horses (Perlman). The Goddess and the Bull: Catalhoyuk: An Archaeological Journey to the Dawn of Civilization. Hirst, K. Later joined byanother British archaeologist, Ruth Tringham, Hodder continues to explorethe Çatalhöyük site and evolve his views on what the findings mean.Everyday Life and Culture at Çatalhöyük Although many aspects of Çatalhöyük culture remain shrouded in mysteryor the object of controversy, many others are clear and easy to understand. Hoddersubsequently found "microscopic residues of obsidian flakes on floors andaround hearths," indicating that "a lot of obsidian work was carried out inthe individual dwellings" (Balter, 1998, 1442).Conclusion The settlement of Çatalhöyük provides one of the most compelling andmysterious conundrums of ancient history: Why did a nomadic people suddenlyabandon the nomadic life to settle down in a strangely compacted settlementof poorly ventilated, ill-lit mud brick homes that can only be entered andexited through the roof? Why would people build homes that had to be enteredthrough a hole in the roof? Did the Çatalhöyük people worshipa goddess, or were the female figurines symbolic of some other facet oflife? It is postulated that the burial customs includedleaving the bodies out in the open until the flesh was gone and thenbundling the bones and placing them under the floors of the sleepingchambers (Hirst). Given Catalhöyük's undifferentiated labor force and relativelyunhospitable environment far from "arable land...suitable forest, [and]suitable land for grazing," but rather "near a wetland, perhaps a lake,"archaeologists are uncertain what prompted Çatalhöyük's 3,5 to 8, people to "[decide] to live together on the plains of Turkey" (Hirst).Moreover, there is no sign of any kind of "public architecture, such astemples and other public buildings, which Uruk and other early urbancenters had in abundance" (Balter, 1998, 1442). One of the most interesting debates is about the Çatalhöyük residents'religion and religious practices. The houses also had "non-utilitarian rooms" that were "apparently shrines," boasting "elaborate wallpaintings, and displays of objects including decorated animals skulls"(Hirst). Young, Penny. Theidea that the Çatalhöyük people "were ruled by a matriarchy whose centralfigure was a mother goddess" has given rise to "goddess tours" provided bytravel bureaus, in which groups of women("some feminist, some religious(gothere to dance, to sing together in spiritual community, and to drawinspiration from what they hold to be a place where mothers were paramountin benign peacekeeping" (Perlman). The inhabitants domesticated not only cattle but also goats andsheep, using their dung for fuel (Hirst). "Catal Hoyuk." Al Altan's Focus on Catal Hoyuk. 1442). Apollo Library. Due to itsunusually large size, Mellaart often called Çatalhöyük a "Neolithic city,"and reference to it as an "early metropolis" has been repeated often inmedia accounts of the excavations there (Balter, 1998, 1442). Mellaart found beautiful items crafted of obsidian, including"finely worked blades and the earliest known mirrors," hypothesizing thatthey were made in special workshops (Balter, 1998, 1442). Even more importantly, what was the function of this huge and verystrange settlement? Çatalhöyük was a uniqueplace that has much to offer in terms of explaining the link betweennomadic tribes and settled communities. In 1965, the digging at Çatalhöyük stopped following the illegal entryof some of its artefacts into the international antiques market, but theTurkish government later approached the British to suggest that work at thesite should recommence (Young 4). Many figurine bodies are headless, and an increasing numberhave "removable heads with dowel holes" (Çatalhöyük 2 7 Archive Report279). New York: Free Press, 2 5.Chandler, Graham. Nevertheless, heremains in touch with what he terms the "goddess community" (Balter, 2 5). Yet asBalter (1998, 1442) points out, "For archaeologists, the difference betweena village and a city is not just a matter of size but hinges on the socialand economic relationships within a population." Despite Çatalhöyük'slarge population, many archaeologists now suspect that it is "not a city,nor even a town, even though many modern towns cannot boast its substantialpopulation" (Balter, 1998, 1442). Gale. "The first metropolis?" History Today, 46.2, (Feb 1996), 4-5. Chandlernotes that "intriguingly, all of these roof 'entrances' appear to have beenlocated alongside the south walls of the houses.'" Altan clarifies thatalthough the houses were built very closely together, they did have"separate walls with a small gap between them," and their sun-dried mudbrick construction supported by wooden beams is a technique referred to as"himis," that is still in use some areas of Anatolia (Altan). In a 26-acre area in the Anatolian plain of Turkey, east of theCarsamba River and near Lake Beysehir and the town of Cumra, exists one ofthe most fascinating archaeological sites ever discovered(a settlementwidely hailed as "the world's first city" and "one of the most importantarchaeological finds of all time" (Shane & Küçük; Altan; "Catal Hoyuk" 1).Estimated to be more than 9, years old, "Çatalhöyük" (alternativelycalled "Catal Hoyuk," "Catal Huyuk," and a variety of similar names(means"forked mound," a reference to the tell's east and west mounds (Hirst;Perlman). Altansuggests that the houses' small doorways were likely a means for smalldomestic animals to enter and exit the house, while the rooftops were amore convenient location for daily activities, since the houses' interiorshad poor light and ventilation. It was not only theextreme age of the site but also its size that made it a valuablediscovery. Some tools were made of bone, including "awls,needles, hairpins, and knife handles," and wooden bowls and woven basketshave also been discovered (Hirst). Moreover, if Çatalhöyük were largely an above-ground graveyard, this would explain why the inhabitants gave up theirnomadic life; they were dead. However, hedisagrees with the notion of the goddess culture, stating, "I find itdifficult to link all the figures and the wall paintings with the idea of agoddess...I see them more as depictions of daily life, and our evidence sofar doesn't suggest anything else" (Balter, 2 5). Seatingand beds consisted of "raised mud platforms" that provided room for as manyas eight people to sleep ("Catal Hoyuk" 1). Elements of Religion. Someday, we can hope, we will knowthe whole story, and then the connections between Çatalhöyük's ancientcivilization and our modern one will explain how civilizations are born andwhy they die. When thepopulation grew, more houses were added on; when it waned, old houses wereburned (Hirst). "SCA Interview: Ian Hodder (1999)." Society for California Archaeology. One thing is certain, however. Perlman, David. The inhabitants were remarkably neat, as there were no debris orremains of meals found inside the houses, and "the occupants kept theirsparsely furnished homes scrupulously clean" ("Catal Hoyuk" 1). In the meantime, however, even the best educated guesses varyacross the board. Like many other questionssurrounding Çatalhöyük, though, this one also remains unresolved. Altan, Al. The skeletons uncovered at Çatalhöyük have been found in variouspositions, including lying down and sitting up, and some are articulated,while others are disarticulated, suggesting either that no great care wastaken to keep them intact or that there was no defined burial ritual thatdemanded their being buried a particular way. Hodder has deducedthat the burials under the floors indicated that Çatalhöyük's "basic socialunits" may have been "extended families grouped together in clusters offour or five houses, which carried on their daily activities more or lessautonomously" (Balter, 1998, 1442). The Çatalhöyük 2 7 Archive Report reports that a seminar attended by"anthropologists, theologians, and philosophers, and funded by theTempleton Foundation," resulted in the oft-rebuilt houses with "very manyburials beneath the floors" as "history houses" (4). In nearby storage rooms were found "plaitedbaskets for grain, tools, and other supplies" ("Catal Hoyuk" 1). The seminar attendeesspeculated that "human and animal skulls, sometimes plastered, were handeddown within houses as heirlooms or objects of importance," and some teethfound in one house's burial pit were found to have come from a jaw that hadcome from a burial pit in the house beneath (Çatalhöyük 2 7 Archive Report4). Melleart only claims to have dug about 4% of the settlement, andHodder's team has excavated far less than that as it is proceeding moreslowly and cautiously (Balter, 1998 1442). The abandonment of thenomadic life to build villages and farm the land, a development termed "theNeolithic Revolution" by Balter (2 5), has yet to be explained, althoughacademics originally attributed it to changes in the climate andenvironment that occurred approximately 11,5 years ago at the end of theice age when "agriculture became possible." Hodder, however, believes thatthe answer more possibly lies in the role of "changes in human psychologyand cognition" (Balter, 2 5). 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